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Notes on International Terrorism and Response.
Amitai Etzioni, "Pre-empting Nuclear Terrorism in a New Global Order"
executive summary. (Foreign Policy Centre, 2004).
compiled from email for the benefit of students. 
comppiled by Jeremy Lewis; revised on 4 May 2005.
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  • Please find below the executive summary of our publication "Pre-empting
    Nuclear Terrorism in a New Global Order" (Foreign Policy Centre, 2004). To
    read the full text, go to http://www.gwu.edu/~ccps/PreemptNucTerr.pdf

    To read a shorter article about reforming the Nuclear Nonproliferation
    Treaty, visit our blog:
    http://www.amitai-notes.com/blog/archives/001226.html#more

    Regular items on nuclear terrorism can be found at:
    http://www.amitai-notes.com/blog/archives/cat_nuclear_terrorism_update.html

    Please email us your comments: aeblog@gwu.edu

    Executive Summary

    The main danger that many nations face in the near future is a nuclear
    attack by terrorists. Attempts to defend against it by hardening domestic
    targets will not work, nor can one rely on pre-emption by taking the war
    to the terrorists before they attack. Hence, there is an urgent need to
    limit greatly the damage that terrorists will cause by curbing their
    access to nuclear arms and the material from which they can be made.
    Focusing our energy on intercepting car and shoe-bombers will save less
    lives than ensuring that terrorist groups will not lay waste to a whole
    city. Preventing nuclear terrorism, the much neglected third front, should
    be accorded first priority. Suggesting that we should advance full
    throttle on all three fronts of homeland protection simultaneously will
    lead to boundary busting, loss of prioritization, and ultimately to a
    sense that we face a task that cannot be carried out. In the near future,
    curbing terrorism requires turning from problem-solving to damage control.
    In other words, we must recognize that we will be unable to stop all
    attacks; thus, we must ensure that terrorists will not be able to strike
    with weapons of mass destruction (WMD).

    We must focus not on terrorism per se but on nuclear terrorism. We should
    stop referring to WMD as if they were all of one kind; the main danger
    comes from nuclear arms and a few biological agents. Chemical attacks and
    most biological weapons, as well as dirty bombs, should be treated as a
    lesser priority. Here too, boundary busting (defining the mission too
    broadly) will make the task too onerous and cause a loss of focus.

    More attention should be paid to failed and failing states (in which the
    government does not effectively control nuclear arms or the material from
    which they can be made). We should pay less mind to rogue states such as
    North Korea and Iran. Each failing state is like hundreds of actors with
    too wide a variety of motives and too low a visibility for them to be
    easily deterred. On the other hand, rogue states--which have singular and
    effective governments--might be deterred. Therefore, failing states are a
    much more likely source of nuclear materials and arms than are rogue
    states.

    The current foreign policy focus on the Axis of Evil by the United States
    and its allies is very much misplaced. Russia--the failing state of
    greatest concern--should be treated often as part of the problem and only
    rarely as part of the solution. Pakistan is another example of a troubling
    failing state. In addition, the material from which nuclear bombs can be
    made is found in the reactors, pools, and vaults of at least twenty other
    failing states. These nations should be incentivized, pressured, and if
    all else fails treated with "all available means" to blend down, trade in,
    or otherwise eliminate these materials. Most immediately, the United
    Nations should stop authorizing the building of new reactors with HEU, as
    China has just done in Nigeria.

    Beyond details, there must be a strategic shift from controlled
    maintenance, the basic concept that underlines the Nuclear
    Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT), to deproliferation--from a license to keep
    nuclear arms and fissile materials under various conditions such as
    submitting to inspections, towards a policy that seeks the removal of
    these dangerous items in one way or another. This is akin to the
    difference between gun registration and removing guns from private hands.

    This pre-9/11 conception of controlled maintenance must be replaced by one
    of deproliferation, which ultimately aims to:

    A) Upgrade security at facilities that store nuclear arms and fissile
    materials as a temporary measure rather than as part of a lasting
    solution. The reason I say temporary and in general emphasize upgraded
    security much less than do other analysts, although I recognize its
    importance, is because in my view, the best security removes the items
    from the reach of those from which they are to be secure. To put it in
    plain English, rather than upgrading security in facilities in failing
    states, fissile material, and when possible nuclear arms, should be
    expatriated, blended down, or converted. Security is inherently
    unreliable, especially in failing states.

    B) Expatriate fissile materials to safe havens and blend them down in
    these havens rather than doing so on location. Replace all HEU with LEU,
    which in effect cannot be used in making bombs, or with other sources of
    energy. Furthermore, HEU replacement could be accomplished by providing
    incentives such as large-scale foreign investment or foreign aid.

    C) Prevent the transnational trade and transportation of nuclear bombs and
    the materials from which they can be made.

    D) Compel both failing states and rogue states (and in the longer run
    still other states) that have nuclear bombs to destroy them. (This in turn
    may require, in some cases where there is a great imbalance in
    conventional forces, for the international community to guarantee the
    country's borders.)

    E) Prevent the construction of new facilities that use HEU, rather than
    condone them as legal and legitimate (as is currently done under the NPT).

    Pre-empting nuclear terrorism through deproliferation is not just a
    vision. In effect, several steps in the right direction have already been
    taken--albeit on a case by case basis and not as part of a general
    strategy. However, these steps have been accorded few resources and low
    priority. The opposite allocation of resources and attention is called
    for.

    We need a form of triage that asks: From which dangers must we first be
    saved; which treatments may be delayed if delay we must; and so on. As
    mentioned above, failing states ought to get priority over rogue states.
    Among failing states, Russia and Pakistan are the most in need of repair.
    Reactors, pools, and vaults in more than 20 nations, such as Indonesia and
    Ghana, rank next among failing states. Among rogue states, Iran should be
    treated in the opposite manner from how North Korea is treated: Iran
    should be defanged urgently. In contrast, North Korea may well have to be
    made the last member of the nuclear club. Removal of HEU should be ranked
    higher than removal of plutonium, and the removal of plutonium should be
    ranked higher than the removal of spent fuel.

    Deproliferation fits well into an evolving new global architecture, which
    I call the Global Safety Authority (GSA). It was formed by the United
    States and its allies, working with most states of the world, to fight
    terrorism. It has many governmental features; it is often coercive
    although not without legitimacy as it has the approval of the United
    Nations and NATO--in sharp contrast to the invasion of Iraq. This global
    governmental agency is and ought to be expanded so that it can take the
    lead in bringing about deproliferation. First, all peaceful means must be
    exhausted, so that deproliferation will contribute to rather than
    undermine the development of global law and legitimate worldwide
    institutions. However, if soft power fails, in this area especially, the
    application of hard power is called for. Deproliferation may well have to
    be quite muscular. However, the more that nations give up their nuclear
    ambitions and wherewithal, the stronger the taboo against proliferation
    will become, requiring less of an enforcement regime and making the world
    safer for one and all.

    -Amitai Etzioni

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