He dreamed of glory but dealt out only
despair
(Filed: 18/03/2003)
David Blair charts the career of Saddam Hussein,
from back-street assassin to Iraq's vicious
dictator
Beneath the garish signs reading "Down with USA", an
immaculate guard of honour presented arms on the
tarmac of Saddam International Airport. Two Arab leaders
walked along a red carpet towards a Lear jet, before
bidding farewell with warm smiles and an apparently
genuine embrace.
It was Dec 5, 1990, the
Gulf war was about to
erupt, and Saddam
Hussein was seeing off
King Hussein of Jordan,
the nearest thing the
Iraqi dictator had to an
ally. Yet on that winter
morning in Baghdad only
the anti-aircraft guns
beside the runway
indicated that anything
was unusual.
"The entire universe is
against us and God is
with us. Victory will be
ours, so don't worry and
don't trouble yourself,"
Saddam told the King.
His parting words left the
hapless monarch dumbfounded. "I shall return to my
country feeling sad, worried and full of sorrow," King
Hussein replied. "What I have heard is beyond my ability
to deal with."
For much of his 65 years, Saddam has been beyond the
ability of anyone to deal with.
The closing years of the 20th
century were a difficult time for
the West's caricature tyrants.
Ceausescu, Honecker, Mobutu,
Milosevic, one by one they fell.
Saddam's great achievement was
to survive into the 21st century.
Whether as youthful assassin,
political chess player or murderous
dictator, he succeeded in
bewildering or terrifying all who
crossed his path.
Now, after almost 24 years in
power, Saddam the Anointed One, the Glorious Leader,
Direct Descendant of the Prophet, President of Iraq and
Field Marshal of its Armies, is facing the end.
To many Iraqis, Saddam is first and foremost a tribal
leader, the product of a violent upbringing in an obscure
corner of poor, lawless, rural Iraq.
He was born into the al-Bejat clan of the al-Bu Nasir tribe
on April 28, 1937. His family lived in the village of
al-Ouja, near the town of Tikrit, 100 miles north-west of
Baghdad. Saddam's birth, like those of most Iraqi children
at the time, was never registered and there is doubt
about his exact age.
His childhood could scarcely have been more traumatic.
Saddam's mother, Subha, eked out an existence as the
village fortune-teller. His father, Hussein al-Majid,
disappeared soon after his birth. A singularly brutal
stepfather, Hassan al-Ibrahim, raised the boy.
This man, known in al-Ouja as "Hassan the liar", beat
Saddam incessantly and denied him any education. As a
fatherless child, Saddam was singled out for torment by
local children and took to carrying an iron bar for his
protection.
The hardships of village life, where rival clans waged
brutal vendettas, marked Saddam for life - quite literally
so. He still carries the tattoo on his right hand - three
dark-blue dots in a line - traditionally given to village
children at that time.
The only sympathetic figure in his boyhood was an uncle,
Khairallah Tulfah. He rescued Saddam from al-Ouja and
took him to Baghdad when he was 10, ensuring the
illiterate boy went to school. Saddam would later marry
Khairallah's daughter.
Exactly how his kindly uncle
influenced him can be judged by
Khairallah's political views. He
nursed a passionate hatred of
Britain, then Iraq's colonial
overlord, and a fervent admiration
of Hitler.
Khairallah spent six years in jail
after joining a pro-Nazi uprising in Baghdad, which the
British Army crushed in 1941. He later wrote a pamphlet
entitled Three whom God should not have created -
Persians, Jews and Flies. In this work, Khairallah
described Jews as a "mixture of dirt and the leftovers of
diverse people".
From Khairallah, Saddam imbibed this toxic mixture of
nationalism and xenophobia. From his violent rural
upbringing, he learned to distrust anyone, absolutely
anyone, beyond his immediate family. Saddam the
paranoid tyrant can be traced back to Saddam the
persecuted village boy.
In the political ferment of 1950s Baghdad, where British
dominance through a puppet monarchy was faltering,
Saddam was a natural recruit into the Ba'ath party.
Formed in Syria in 1944, this movement sought to sweep
away the Middle East's colonial boundaries and forge a
united Arab state.
Saddam's first job for the party was as an assassin. He
shot dead his first victim, Saadoun al-Tikriti, a leading
communist and hence a sworn enemy of the Ba'athists, in
1958. Later that year, Iraq's royal family was murdered in
a bloody revolution and a military dictatorship under
Abdul Karim Qassem, a senior general, seized power.
The Ba'athist leadership decided to kill Qassem in 1959
and gave the job to Saddam. The young assassin formed
a four-man hit-squad and lay in wait for Qassem's
motorcade.
Accounts of what followed vary, but there is no doubt
Saddam's bid to kill the president was a fiasco. One
version claims Saddam planned to drive a car into the
path of Qassem's motorcade and open fire. But the
would-be driver forgot his car keys. Saddam and his men
were reduced to blazing away as Qassem swept past.
They wounded the president, killed his driver and
managed to shoot one another in the confusion. Saddam
may well have killed one of his fellow assassins, Abdel
Wahab Goreiri. That was before he was wounded himself,
probably by one of his colleagues.
With a bullet in his left leg,
Saddam was carried to safety. If
the official account is to be
believed, he cut the bullet out of
his thigh with a pair of scissors and
then escaped Baghdad on
horseback. Despite his wound, he
swam the Tigris to reach the
safety of al-Ouja, his birthplace,
and then escaped into Syria.
The bungled assassination was later transformed into a
heroic saga which became the centrepiece of The Long
Days, a film of Saddam's life made after he seized power.
This epic was edited by Terence Young, who earlier in his
career had directed Dr No, Thunderball, and From Russia
With Love. After receiving Young's treatment, the film was
cut to a mere six hours and became obligatory viewing in
1980s Iraq.
For almost four years after failing to kill Qassem, Saddam
lived in exile in Damascus and then Cairo. The Ba'athist
leadership overlooked his incompetence and rewarded
Saddam by making him a full party member. His political
star rose.
During his years in Egypt, Saddam became engaged to
his first cousin, Sajida, whom he married in 1964, and
made a leisurely effort to study law at Cairo University.
He was smuggled back to Iraq in 1963, only to be jailed
after an abortive Ba'athist putsch.
Saddam was behind bars from
1964 until 1966. Yet the
foundations of his political success
were laid during these years.
Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr, his cousin
and fellow Tikriti, became leader
of the Iraqi wing of the Ba'ath
party. Those clan loyalties were
crucial and al-Bakr consistently
favoured Saddam. After his
release from prison, the failed
assassin became more than simply
a gun for hire.
When the Ba'ath party was ready
for revolution, Saddam was
al-Bakr's deputy. On July 17,
1968, a date immortalised in
Saddam's propaganda, the
Ba'athists seized power by capturing the presidential
palace in Baghdad.
The official account describes how Saddam burst through
the palace gates on a tank, firing its gun and leading the
attack. This is widely dismissed as fanciful but there is no
doubt that he played a key role, and when al-Bakr
became president, he rewarded his clansman by making
him vice-president. If any period of Saddam's life was
distinguished by genuine achievement, it was his 11 years
as vice-president. Using billions of dollars of oil revenues,
he launched a huge modernisation campaign.
Saddam in 1998 visting a small town
Baghdad was transformed from a crumbling backwater
into a modern city, complete with tower blocks,
motorways and flyovers. Saddam began one of the
world's most ambitious literacy programmes, building
schools across Iraq and compelling adults to attend
classes on pain of three years' imprisonment. Unesco
gave him a prize.
In contrast to most of his co-tyrants, Saddam proved
himself a gifted administrator.
But his idea of national greatness
did not rest on building schools. By
the mid-70s, he was obsessed with
the ambition that was to consume
his rule. Saddam wanted to
dominate the Middle East through
the possession of oil and nuclear
weapons. Allah had given him the
former, it was up to Iraqi ingenuity
to acquire the latter. He began
spending the oil money on an ever
larger military machine.
In 1975, he visited France and Jacques Chirac, then prime
minister, took him on a tour of Provence. M Chirac went
on to sell Saddam a nuclear reactor for £2 billion and
signed a Nuclear Co-operation Treaty.
This agreement bound Paris to help Saddam's nuclear
programme and also excluded "all persons of Jewish
origin" from participating, whether in France or Iraq.
M Chirac insisted that the nuclear reactor and technical
help were for civilian purposes. Saddam was more
honest. "The agreement with France is the first concrete
step toward production of the Arab atomic bomb," he
said.
While seeking arms abroad, Saddam ruthlessly
undermined his political rivals at home. By the mid-70s,
he had become de facto ruler of Iraq. In July 1979,
Saddam was confident enough to insist that al-Bakr retire
and hand over the presidency. He celebrated his success
by calling a meeting of the Ba'athist leadership,
announcing a wholly fictitious "Syrian plot" and having 66
colleagues led out and shot. The chilling video of the
meeting was later shown on Iraqi television.
With this round of bloodletting, Saddam began his
presidency as he meant to continue. His lavishly equipped
military machine was ready for use and he launched it
against the old Persian foe, neighbouring Iran, in
September 1980.
This was the first of Saddam's
monumental follies. The peasant
boy who had sat at his uncle's
knee and heard the stories of
Nebuchadnezzar, who captured
Jerusalem, and Saladin, who
defeated the Crusaders, sought to
become an incarnation of these
immortal heroes of the Arab world.
With typical vainglory, he
christened the invasion of Iran "Qadissiya II".
The first battle of Qadissiya was a great Arab victory over
the Persians in AD 637. Saddam, steeped in Arab folklore,
was less well versed in military strategy. He had made
himself a field marshal after assuming the presidency,
despite having failed the entrance exam for the Baghdad
Military Academy in 1956.
Saddam gambled on a swift Iranian collapse that would
allow him to secure the Shatt al-Arab waterway linking
Iraq's port of Basra with the Gulf. This reckless throw of
the dice proved catastrophic.
Eight years and one million lives later, the war petered
out. Saddam had used chemical weapons and thrown
millions of Iraqis into battle. At the end, Iraq gained
nothing. Saddam quietly reaffirmed an agreement with
Iran that placed their frontier in the same position as it
had been at the outset.
In the disastrous aftermath of "Qadissiya II", loathing of
Saddam became almost universal among Iraqis. Virtually
every family had lost someone and everyone knew that
the sacrifice had been in vain.
Saddam was detached from all of this. His imagination,
fuelled by Arabian legends, conceived the war with Iran
as a great victory.
Anyone who tours the monument to Saddam's "victory",
which dominates central Baghdad, gains a penetrating
insight into his state of mind. Two giant statues of crossed
swords, wielded by vast hands rising from the earth,
tower over either end of a gigantic parade ground. No one
is fooled.
After this Saddam curtailed public appearances, stopped
receiving ambassadors and began the draconian security
precautions that have surrounded him ever since. He
personally shot his health minister after the unfortunate
man dared to suggest that Saddam resign.
Catastrophe in Iran coincided with rebellion at home. The
Kurdish minority in northern Iraq rose in revolt in 1987
and Saddam launched the punitive "Anfal" campaign in
retaliation.
Typically, he would only trust his immediate family with
this task and Ali Hassan al-Majid, his cousin, led the
onslaught. Scores of villages were bombarded with
mustard and sarin gas, including Halabja in March 1988
when some 5,000 died.
As this genocidal campaign progressed, Saddam's
thoughts returned to glory. The old ambition of pulling off
a coup that would transform Iraq into a great power still
possessed him. His eyes turned south, towards the tiny
emirate of Kuwait.
The war with Iran had saddled Iraq with £50 billion of
debts and a reconstruction bill exceeding £140 billion. By
1989, Saddam's creditors were taking over half of his oil
revenues. He needed cash and glory. Kuwait offered both.
At an Arab League summit in May 1990, he proposed that
all Arab nations should guarantee one another's borders.
Soon afterwards, he threatened to invade Kuwait unless
the Emir wrote off Iraq's debts and reduced oil production
to drive up prices.
Under pressure from Saudi Arabia in July, Kuwait agreed.
Saddam invaded anyway. On Aug 2, 1990, the Iraqi army
rolled south and Field Marshal Saddam blithely declared
the emirate his 19th province. He convinced himself that
he had stunned the world with an irreversible coup.
Surrounded by sycophants, Saddam bungled over and
over again. He ignored the huge build-up of allied forces
and spurned at least three opportunities for an
honourable retreat.
He could have staged a partial pullback, leaving Kuwait a
crippled rump state and keeping the Rumaila oilfield and
Bubiyan island - the only bits of the emirate's territory he
needed.
Instead, he conjured
up a vision of
Nebuchadnezzar's
capture of Jerusalem
in 586BC. On Jan 14,
1991, with war
imminent, he assured
his commanders that
"victory is certain"
and said: "I see the
gates of Jerusalem
opening before me."
Three days later, the
allied juggernaut
began smashing his army. In 43 days of bombing and 100
hours of lightning ground war, the Western armada
achieved one of the most crushing victories in history.
Yet again this owed much to the mistakes of Saddam.
Fooled by the Allied deception plan, and worried about an
attack in the east, he failed to extend his western flank on
the Iraq-Kuwait border far enough. The US and UK forces
swept round his dug in troops in a huge armoured thrust
attacking deep into the heart of his army.
On March 3, 1991, Saddam agreed the second humiliating
ceasefire of his career. His response to cataclysm was
wearily predictable. He declared a "great victory" and told
the "glorious" Iraqi people: "You have won, you have
won." What followed was, perhaps, reassuringly familiar
for Saddam. The Kurds rose in revolt and the Shia
majority in southern Iraq joined in. Saddam had little
grasp of the outside world, but he knew how to deal with
rebellions. His Republican Guard tank units had escaped
the allied onslaught and he deployed them to restore
control. Yet Iraq remained embargoed by international
sanctions and subjected to American and British air raids.
Saddam retreated further and
further into a fantasy world. He
wrote two romantic novels,
Zabibah and The King and The
Fortified Castle, both inevitable
best-sellers. But his isolated
refuge was progressively less
comfortable, for the unity of his
family steadily crumbled.
Before achieving power, Saddam
portrayed himself as a kindly father. Photographs taken in
the late 1960s show him building sandcastles with his
sons, Uday and Qusay. But Saddam became increasingly
ruthless.There are persistent accounts of him taking his
sons, then barely in their teens, around his regime's
torture chambers. Absolute power corrupted Saddam's
family life as absolutely as it corrupted every other aspect
of his existence.
In 1995, his sons-in-law, Hussein Kamel and Saddam
Kamel, defected to Jordan. Saddam was distraught. He
guaranteed their safety in order to lure them back. They
returned, full of contrition. He killed them anyway.
The price of this act of vengeance was estrangement from
his daughters, Rana and Raghda. Saddam had already
wrecked his marriage with Sajida by conducting an affair
with Samira Shahbandar, the wife of the director of Iraqi
Airways.
Meanwhile, his elder son Uday beat an aide to death in
1988 and was later wounded in an assassination attempt.
Saddam transferred his trust to Qusay. Saddam has not
appeared in public for two years. He has not left Iraq for
13 years. He has only been outside the Middle East on
three occasions in his entire life. Today, he leads the most
solitary existence in the world.
Behind the walls of his 20 palaces, he lives well but is no
hedonist. He rises at about 3am and swims in one of his
carefully-tended pools. This helps him fend off signs of
age and physical weakness. To preserve his authority,
any appearance of frailty must be avoided.
He chooses his food fastidiously. Red meat found on most
Iraqi tables is shunned. Saddam lives on a diet of fish,
fruit and fresh vegetables. He likes wine, although his
favourite tipple - Mateus rose - hardly reveals him as a
connoisseur.
When not working he reads Arab history and watches
Western films. The Day of the Jackal and The Godfather
trilogy are said to be his favourites.
He is thought to sleep in a different bed every night and
subject the few who see him to the most thorough
security checks known to man.
Saddam has at least three doubles, who occasionally
meet foreign dignitaries. Jorg Haider, the far-Right
Austrian politician, was criticised for meeting Saddam last
year. In fact, Saddam did not trouble to entertain him
and, according to a BBC documentary, left the task to a
double.
No one knows his day-to-day movements. But with war
imminent and the might of the West mobilised against
him, the fortune-teller's son from al-Ouja must realise
that soon there will be nowhere left for him to hide.
Sources: "Tales of the Tyrant", Atlantic Monthly, May
2002. "Saddam Hussein: An American Obssession" by
Andrew Cockburn and Patrick Cockburn, Verso, London
2002. "Saddam: The Secret Life," by Con Coughlin,
Macmillan, London 2002.
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