My first task is to find a place
to live. I figure that if I can earn $7 an hour--which, from the want ads,
seems doable--I can afford
to spend $500 on rent, or maybe,
with severe economies, $600. In the Key West area, where I live, this pretty
much confines me
to flophouses and trailer homes--like
the one, a pleasing fifteen-minute drive from town, that has no air-conditioning,
no
screens, no fans, no television,
and, by way of diversion, only the challenge of evading the landlord's
Doberman pinscher. The
big problem with this place,
though, is the rent, which at $675 a month is well beyond my reach. All
right, Key West is expensive.
But so is New York City, or
the Bay Area, or Jackson Hole, or Telluride, or Boston, or any other place
where tourists and the
wealthy compete for living space
with the people who clean their toilets and fry their hash browns.(n1)
Still, it is a shock to
realize that "trailer trash"
has become, for me, a demographic category to aspire to.
So I decide to make the common
trade-off between affordability and convenience, and go for a $500-a-month
efficiency thirty
miles up a two-lane highway
from the employment opportunities of Key West, meaning forty-five minutes
if there's no road
construction and I don't get
caught behind some sun-dazed Canadian tourists. I hate the drive, along
a roadside studded with
white crosses commemorating
the more effective head-on collisions, but it's a sweet little place--a
cabin, more or less, set in
the swampy back yard of the
converted mobile home where my landlord, an affable TV repairman, lives
with his bartender
girlfriend. Anthropologically
speaking, a bustling trailer park would be preferable, but here I have
a gleaming white floor and a
firm mattress, and the few resident
bugs are easily vanquished.
Besides, I am not doing this
for the anthropology. My aim is nothing so mistily subjective as to "experience
poverty" or find out
how it "really feels" to be
a long-term low-wage worker. I've had enough unchosen encounters with poverty
and the world of
low-wage work to know it's not
a place you want to visit for touristic purposes; it just smells too much
like fear. And with all my
real-life assets--bank account,
IRA, health insurance, multiroom home--waiting indulgently in the background,
I am, of course,
thoroughly insulated from the
terrors that afflict the genuinely poor.
No, this is a purely objective,
scientific sort of mission. The humanitarian rationale for welfare reform--as
opposed to the more
punitive and stingy impulses
that may actually have motivated it -- is that work will lift poor women
out of poverty while
simultaneously inflating their
self-esteem and hence their future value in the labor market. Thus, whatever
the hassles involved
in finding child care, transportation,
etc., the transition from welfare to work will end happily, in greater
prosperity for all. Now
there are many problems with
this comforting prediction, such as the fact that the economy will inevitably
undergo a downturn,
eliminating many jobs. Even
without a downturn, the influx of a million former welfare recipients into
the low-wage labor market
could depress wages by as much
as 11.9 percent, according to the Economic Policy Institute (EPI) in Washington,
D.C.
But is it really possible to
make a living on the kinds of jobs currently available to unskilled people?
Mathematically, the answer
is no, as can be shown by taking
$6 to $7 an hour, perhaps subtracting a dollar or two an hour for child
care, multiplying by 160
hours a month, and comparing
the result to the prevailing rents. According to the National Coalition
for the Homeless, for
example, in 1998 it took, on
average nationwide, an hourly wage of $8.89 to afford a one-bedroom apartment,
and the
Preamble Center for Public Policy
estimates that the odds against a typical welfare recipient's landing a
job at such a "living
wage" are about 97 to 1. If
these numbers are right, low-wage work is not a solution to poverty and
possibly not even to
homelessness.
It may seem excessive to put
this proposition to an experimental test. As certain family members keep
unhelpfully reminding
me, the viability of low-wage
work could be tested, after a fashion, without ever leaving my study. I
could just pay myself $7 an
hour for eight hours a clay,
charge myself for room and board, and total up the numbers after a month.
Why leave the people
and work that I love? But I
am an experimental scientist by training. In that business, you don't just
sit at a desk and theorize;
you plunge into the everyday
chaos of nature, where surprises lurk in the most mundane measurements.
Maybe, when I got
into it, I would discover some
hidden economies in the world of the low-wage worker. After all, if 30
percent of the workforce
toils for less than $8 an hour,
according to the EH, they may have found some tricks as yet unknown to
me. Maybe -- who
knows? -- I would even be able
to detect in myself the bracing psychological effects of getting out of
the house, as promised by
the welfare works at places
like the Heritage Foundation. Or, on the other hand, maybe there would
be unexpected
costs--physical, mental, or
financial -- to throw off all my calculations. Ideally, I should do this
with two small children m tow, that
being the welfare average, but
mine are grown and no one is willing to lend me theirs for a month-long
vacation in penury. So
this is not the perfect experiment,
just a test of the best possible case: an unencumbered woman, smart and
even strong,
attempting to live more or less
off the land.
On the morning of my first full
day of job searching, I take a red pen to the want ads, which are auspiciously
numerous.
Everyone in Key West's booming
"hospitality industry" seems to be looking for someone tike me--trainable,
flexible, and with
suitably humble expectations
as to pay. I know I possess certain traits that might be advantageous--I'm
white and, I like to think,
well-spoken and poised -- but
I decide on two roles: One, I cannot rise any skills derived from my education
or usual work--not
that there are a lot of want
ads for satirical essayists anyway. Two, I have to take the best-paid job
that is offered me and of
course do my best to hold it;
no Marxist rants or sneaking off to read novels in the ladies' room. In
addition, I rule out various
occupations for one reason or
another: Hotel front-desk clerk, for example, which to my surprise is regarded
as unskilled and
pays around $7 an hour, gets
eliminated because it involves standing in one spot for eight hours a day.
Waitressing is similarly
something I'd like to avoid,
because I remember It leaving me bone tired when I was eighteen, and I'm
decades of varicosities
and back pain beyond that now.
Telemarketing, one of the first refuges of the suddenly indigent, can be
dismissed on grounds
of personality. This leaves
certain supermarket jobs, such as deli clerk, or housekeeping in Key West's
thousands of hotel and
guest rooms. Housekeeping is
especially appealing, for reasons both atavistic and practical: it's what
my mother did before I
came along, and it can't be
too different from what I've been doing part-time, in my own home, all
my life.
So I put on what I take to be
a respectful-looking outfit of ironed Bermuda shorts and scooped-neck T-shirt
and set out for a tour
of the local hotels and supermarkets.
Best Western, Econo Lodge, and HoJo's all let me fill out application forms,
and these
are, to my relief, interested
in little more than whether I am a legal resident of the United States
and have committed any
felonies. My next stop is Winn-Dixie,
the supermarket, which turns out to have a particularly onerous application
process, .
featuring a fifteen-minute "interview"
by computer since, apparently, no human on the premises is deemed capable
of
representing the corporate point
of view. I am conducted to a large room decorated with posters illustrating
how to look
"professional" (it helps to
be white and, if female, permed) and warning of the slick promises that
union organizers might try to
tempt me with. The interview
is multiple choice: Do I have anything, such as child-care problems, that
might make it hard for me
to get to work on time? Do I
think safety on the job is the responsibility of management? Then, popping
up cunningly out of the
blue: How many dollars' worth
of stolen goods have I purchased in tine last year? Would I turn in a fellow
employee if I caught
him stealing? Finally, "Are
you an honest person?"
Apparently, I ace the interview,
because I am told that all I have to do is show up in some doctor's office
tomorrow for a urine
test. This seems to be a fairly
general rule: if you want to stack Cheerio boxes or vacuum hotel rooms
in chemically fascist
America, you have to be willing
to squat down and pee in front of some health worker (who has no doubt
had to do the same
thing herself). The wages Winn-Dixie
is offering--$6 and a couple of dimes to start with--are not enough, I
decide, to
compensate for this indignity.(n2)
I lunch at Wendy's, where $4.99
gets you unlimited refills at the Mexican part of the Superbar, a comforting
surfeit of refried
beans and "cheese sauce." A
teenage employee, seeing me studying the want ads, kindly offers me an
application form, which
I fill out, though here, too,
the pay is just $6 and change an hour. Then it's off for a round of the
locally owned inns anti
guesthouses. At "The Palms,"
let's call it, a bouncy manager actually takes me around to see the rooms
and meet the existing
housekeepers, who, I note with
satisfaction, look pretty much like me--faded ex-hippie types in shorts
with long hair pulled back
in braids. Mostly, though, no
one speaks to one or even looks at me except to proffer an application
firm. At my last stop, a
palatial B&B, I wait twenty
minutes to meet "Max," only to be told that there are no jobs now but there
should be one soon, since
"nobody lasts more than a couple
weeks." (Because none of the people I talked to knew I was a reporter,
I have changed their
names to protect their privacy
and, in some cases perhaps, their jobs.)
Three days go by like this, and,
to my chagrin, no one out of the approximately twenty places I've applied
calls me for an
interview. I had been vain enough
to worry about coming across as too educated for the jobs I sought, but
no one even seems
interested in finding out how
overqualified I am. Only later will I realize that the want ads are not
a reliable measure of the actual
jobs available at any particular
time. They are, as I should have guessed from Max's comment, the employers'
insurance policy
against the relentless turnover
of the low-wage workforce. Most of the big hotels run ads almost continually,
just to build a
supply of applicants to replace
the current workers as they drift away or are fired, so finding a job is
just a matter of being at the
right place at the right time
and flexible enough to take whatever is being offered that day. This finally
happens to me at a one of
the big discount hotel chains,
where I go, as usual, for housekeeping and am sent, instead, to try out
as a waitress at the
attached "family restaurant,"
a dismal spot with a counter and about thirty tables that looks out on
a parking garage and
features such tempting fare
as "Pollish [sic] sausage and BBQ sauce" on 95-degree days. Phillip, the
dapper young West
Indian who introduces him self
as the manager, interviews me with about as much enthusiasm as if he were
a clerk
processing me for Medicare,
the principal questions being what shifts can I work and when can I start.
I mutter something
about being woefully out of
practice as a waitress, but he's already on to the uniform: I'm to show
up tomorrow wearing black
slacks and black shoes; he'll
provide the rust-colored polo shirt with HEARTHSIDE embroidered on it,
though I might want to
wear my own shirt to get to
work, ha ha. At the word "tomorrow," something between fear and indignation
rises in my chest. I
want to say, "Thank you for
your time, sir, but this is just an experiment, you know, not my actual
life."
So begins my career at the Hearthside,
I shall call it, one small profit center within a global discount hotel
chain, where for two
weeks I work from 2:00 till
10:00 P.M. for $2.43 an hour plus tips.(n3) In some futile bid for gentility,
the management has
barred employees from using
the front door, so my first day I enter through the kitchen, where a red-faced
man with
shoulder-length blond hair is
throwing frozen steaks against the wall and yelling, "Fuck this shit!"
"That's just Jack," explains
Gall, the wiry middle-aged waitress
who is assigned to train me. "He's on the rag again"--a condition occasioned,
in this
instance, by the fact that the
cook on the morning shift had forgotten to thaw out the steaks. For the
next eight hours, I run after
the agile Gall, absorbing bits
of instruction along with fragments of personal tragedy. All food must
be trayed, and the reason
she's so tired today is that
she woke up in a cold sweat thinking of her boyfriend, who killed himself
recently in an upstate
prison. No refills on lemonade.
And the reason he was in prison is that a few DUIs caught up with him,
that's all, could have
happened to anyone. Carry the
creamers to the table in a monkey bowl, never in your hand. And after he
was gone she spent
several months living in her
truck, peeing in a plastic pee bottle and reading by candlelight at night,
but you can't live in a truck in
the summer, since you need to
have the windows down, which means anything can get in, from mosquitoes
on up.
At least Gail puts to rest any
fears I had of appearing overqualified. From the first day on, I find that-of
all the things I have left
behind, such as home and identity,
what I miss the most is competence. Not that I have ever felt utterly competent
in the writing
business, in which one day's
success augurs nothing at all for the next. But in my writing life, I at
least have some notion of
procedure: do the research,
make the outline, rough out a draft, etc. As a server, though, I am beset
by requests like bees: more
iced tea here, ketchup over
there, a to-go box for table fourteen, and where are the high chairs, anyway?
Of the twenty-seven
tables, up to six are usually
mine at any time, though on slow afternoons or if Gail is off, I sometimes
have the whole place to
myself. There is the touch-screen
computer-ordering system to master, which is, I suppose, meant to minimize
server-cook
contact, but in practice requires
constant verbal fine-tuning: "That's gravy on the mashed, okay? None on
the meatloaf," and so
forth while the cook scowls
as if I were inventing these refinements just to torment him. Plus, something
I had forgotten in the
years since I was eighteen:
about a third of a server's job is "side work" that's invisible to customers
sweeping, scrubbing,
slicing, refilling, and restocking.
If it isn't all done, every little bit of it, you're going to face the
6:00 P.M. dinner rush defenseless
and probably go down in flames.
I screw up dozens of times at the beginning, sustained in my shame entirely
by Gail's
support--"It's okay, baby, everyone
does that sometime"--because, to my total surprise and despite the scientific
detachment I
am doing my best to maintain,
I care.
The whole thing would be a lot
easier if I could just skate through it as Lily Tomlin in one of her waitress
skits, but I was raised
by the absurd Booker T. Washingtonian
precept that says: If you're going to do something, do it well. In fact,
"well" isn't good
enough by half. Do it better
than anyone has ever done it before. Or so said my father, who must have
known what he was
talking about because he managed
to pull himself, and us with him, up from the mile-deep copper mines of
Butte to the leafy
suburbs of the Northeast, ascending
from boilermakers to martinis before booze beat out ambition. As in most
endeavors I
have encountered in my life,
doing it "better than anyone" is not a reasonable goal. Still, when I wake
up at 4:00 A.M. in my own
cold sweat, I am not thinking
about the writing deadlines I'm neglecting; I'm thinking about the table
whose order I screwed up
so that one of the boys didn't
get his kiddie meal until the rest of the family had moved on to their
Key Lime pies. That's the other
powerful motivation I hadn't
expected--the customers, or "patients," as I can't help thinking of them
on account of the mysterious
vulnerability that seems to
have left them temporarily unable to feed themselves. After a few days
at the Hearthside, I feel the
service ethic kick in like a
shot of oxytocin, the nurturance hormone. The plurality of my customers
are hard-working locals-truck
drivers, construction workers,
even housekeepers from the attached hotel--and I want them to have the
closest to a "fine dining"
experience that the grubby circumstances
will allow. No "you guys" for me; everyone over twelve is "sir" or "ma'am."
I ply them
with iced tea and coffee refills;
I return, mid-meal, to inquire how everything is; I doll up their salads
with chopped raw
mushrooms, summer squash slices,
or whatever bits of produce I can find that have survived their sojourn
in the cold-storage
room mold-free.
There is Benny, for example,
a short, tight-muscled sewer repairman, who cannot even think of eating
until he has absorbed a
half hour of air-conditioning
and ice water. We chat about hyperthermia and electrolytes until he is
ready to order some finicky
combination like soup of the
day, garden salad, and a side of grits. There are the German tourists who
are so touched by my
pidgin "Willkommen" and "1st
alles gut?" that they actually tip. (Europeans, spoiled by their trade-union-ridden,
high-wage
welfare states, generally do
not know that they are supposed to tip. Some restaurants, the Hearthside
included, allow servers
to "grat" their foreign customers,
or add a tip to the bill. Since this amount is added before the customers
have a chance to tip or
not tip, the practice amounts
to an automatic penalty for imperfect English.) There are the two dirt-smudged
lesbians, just off
their construction shift, who
are impressed enough by my suave handling of the fly in the pina colada
that they take the time to
praise me to Stu, the assistant
manager. There's Sam, the kindly retired cop, who has to plug up his tracheotomy
hole with one
finger in order to force the
cigarette smoke into his lungs.
Sometimes I play with the fantasy
that I am a princess who, in penance for some tiny transgression, has undertaken
to feed
each of her subjects by hand.
But the non-princesses working with me are just as indulgent, even when
this means flouting
management rules concerning,
for example, the number of croutons that can go on a salad (six). "Put
on all you want," Gall
whispers, "as long as Stu isn't
looking." She dips into her own tip money to buy biscuits and gravy for
an out-of-work mechanic
who's used up all his money
on dental surgery, inspiring me to pick up the tab for his milk and pie.
Maybe the same high levels
of agape can be found throughout
the "hospitality industry." I remember the poster decorating one of the
apartments I looked at,
which said "If you seek happiness
for yourself you will never find it. Only when you seek happiness for others
will it come to
you," or words to that effect
an odd sentiment, it seemed to me at the time, to find in the dank one-room
basement apartment of
a bellhop at the Best Western.
At the Hearthside, we utilize whatever bits of autonomy we have to ply
our customers with the
illicit calories that signal
our love. It is our job as servers to assemble the salads and desserts,
pouring the dressings and
squirting the whipped cream.
We also control the number of butter patties our customers get and the
amount of sour cream on
their baked potatoes. So if
you wonder why Americans are so obese, consider the fact that waitresses
both express their
humanity and earn their tips
through the covert distribution of fats.
Ten days into it, this is beginning
to look like a livable lifestyle. I like Gail, who is "looking at fifty"
but moves so fast she can
alight in one place and then
another without apparently being anywhere between them. I clown around
with Lionel, the teenage
Haitian busboy, and catch a
few fragments of conversation with Joan, the svelte fortyish hostess and
militant feminist who is
the only one of us who dares
to tell Jack to shut the fuck up. I even warm up to Jack when, on a slow
night and to make up for a
particularly unwarranted attack
on my abilities, or so I imagine, he tells me about his glory days as a
young man at "coronary
school" or do you say "culinary"?
in Brooklyn, where he dated a knock-out Puerto Rican chick and learned
everything there is to
know about food. I finish up
at 10:00 or 10:30, depending on how much side work I've been able to get
done during the shift,
and cruise home to the tapes
I snatched up at random when I left my real home Marianne Faithfull, Tracy
Chapman, Enigma,
King Sunny Ade, the Violent
Femmes-just drained enough for the music to set my cranium resonating but
hardly dead. Midnight
snack is Wheat Thins and Monterey
Jack, accompanied by cheap white wine on ice and whatever AMC has to offer.
To bed by
1:30 or 2:00, up at 9:00 or
10:00, read for an hour while my uniform whirls around in the landlord's
washing machine, and then
it's another eight hours spent
following Mao's central instruction, as laid out in the Little Red Book,
which was: Serve the
people.
I could drift along like this,
in some dreamy proletarian idyll, except for two things. One is management.
If I have kept this
subject on the margins thus
far it is because I still flinch to think that I spent all those weeks
under the surveillance of men (and
later women) whose job it was
to monitor my behavior for signs of sloth, theft, drug abuse, or worse.
Not that managers and
especially "assistant managers"
in low-wage settings like this are exactly the class enemy. In the restaurant
business, they are
mostly former cooks or servers,
still capable of pinch-hitting in the kitchen or on the floor, just as
in hotels they are likely to be
former clerks, and paid a salary
of only about $400 a week. But everyone knows they have crossed over to
the other side, which
is, crudely put, corporate as
opposed to human. Cooks want to prepare tasty meals; servers want to serve
them graciously; but
managers are there for only
one reason--to make sure that money is made for some theoretical entity
that exists far away in
Chicago or New York, if a corporation
can be said to have a physical existence at all. Reflecting on her career,
Gall tells me
ruefully that she had sworn,
years ago, never to work for a corporation again. "They don't cut you no
slack. You give and you give,
and they take."
Managers can sit--for hours at
a time if they want but it's their job to see that no one else ever does,
even when there's nothing
to do, and this is why, for
servers, slow times can be as exhausting as rushes. You start dragging
out each little chore, because
if the manager on duty catches
you in an idle moment, he will give you something far nastier to do. So
I wipe, I clean, I
consolidate ketchup bottles
and recheck the cheesecake supply, even tour the tables to make sure the
customer evaluation
forms are all standing perkily
in their places--wondering all the time how many calories I bum in these
strictly theatrical
exercises. When, on a particularly
dead afternoon, Still finds me glancing at a USA Today a customer has left
behind, he
assigns me to vacuum the entire
floor with the broken vacuum cleaner that has a handle only two feet long,
and the only way to
do that without incurring orthopedic
damage is to proceed from spot to spot on your knees.
On my first Friday at the Hearthside
there is a "mandatory meeting for all restaurant employees," which I attend,
eager for
insight into our overall marketing
strategy and the niche (your basic Ohio cuisine with a tropical twist?)
we aim to inhabit. But
there is no "we" at this meeting.
Phillip, our top manager except for an occasional "consultant" sent out
by corporate
headquarters, opens it with
a sneer: "The break room--it's disgusting. Butts in the ashtrays, newspapers
lying around, crumbs."
This windowless little room,
which also houses the time clock for the entire hotel, is where we stash
our bags and civilian
clothes and take our half-hour
meal breaks. But a break room is not a right, he tells us. It can be taken
away. We should also
know that the lockers in the
break room and whatever is in them can be searched at any time. Then comes
gossip; there has
been gossip; gossip (which seems
to mean employees talking among themselves) must stop. Off-duty employees
are
henceforth barred from eating
at the restaurant, because "other servers gather around them and gossip."
When Phillip has
exhausted his agenda of rebukes,
Joan complains about the condition of the ladies' room and I throw in my
two bits about the
vacuum cleaner. But I don't
see any backup coming from my fellow servers, each of whom has subsided
into her own personal
funk; Gall, my role model, stares
sorrowfully at a point six inches from her nose. The meeting ends when
Andy, one of the
cooks, gets up, muttering about
breaking up his day off for this almighty bullshit.
Just four days later we are suddenly
summoned into the kitchen at 3:30 P.M., even though there are live tables
on the floor. We
all--about ten of us--stand
around Phillip, who announces grimly that there has been a report of some
"drug activity" on the
night shift and that, as a result,
we are now to be a "drug-free" workplace, meaning that all new hires will
be tested, as will
possibly current employees on
a random basis. I am glad that this part of the kitchen is so dark, because
I find myself blushing
as hard as if I had been caught
toking up in the ladies' room myself: I haven't been treated this way--lined
up in the corridor,
threatened with locker searches,
peppered with carelessly aimed accusations--since junior high school. Back
on the floor,
Joan cracks, "Next they'll be
telling us we can't have sex on the job." When I ask Stu what happened
to inspire the crackdown,
he just mutters about "management
decisions" and takes the opportunity to upbraid Gall and me for being too
generous with
the rolls. From now on there's
to be only one per customer, and it goes out with the dinner, not with
the salad. He's also been
riding the cooks, prompting
Andy to come out of the kitchen and observe--with the serenity of a man
whose customary
implement is a butcher knife--that
"Stu has a death wish today."
Later in the evening, the gossip
crystallizes around the theory that Stu is himself the drug culprit, that
he uses the restaurant
phone to order up marijuana
and sends one of the late servers out to fetch it for him. The server was
caught, and she may have
ratted Stu out or at least said
enough to cast some suspicion on him., thus accounting for his pissy behavior.
Who knows?
Lionel, the busboy, entertains
us for the rest of the shift by standing just behind Stu's back and sucking
deliriously on an
imaginary joint.
The other problem, in addition
to the less-than-nurturing management style, is that this job shows no
sign of being financially
viable. You, might imagine,
from a comfortable distance, that people who live, year in and year out,
on $6 to $10 an hour have
discovered some survival stratagems
unknown to the middle class. But no. It's not hard to get my co-workers
to talk about their
living situations, because housing,
in almost every case, is the principal source of disruption m their lives,
the first thing they fill
you m on when they arrive for
their shifts. After a week, I have compiled the following survey:
Gail is sharing a room in a well-known downtown flophouse for which she
and a roommate pay about $250 a week. Her
roommate, a male friend, has begun hitting on her, driving her nuts, but
the rent would be impossible alone.
Claude, the Haitian cook, is desperate to get out of the two-room apartment
he shares with his girlfriend and two other,
unrelated, people. As far as I can determine, the other Haitian men (most
of whom only speak Creole) live in similarly
crowded situations.
Annette, a twenty-year-old server who is six months pregnant and has been
abandoned by her boyfriend, lives with her
mother, a postal clerk.
Marianne and her boyfriend are paying $170 a week for a one-person trailer.
Jack, who is, at $10 an hour, the wealthiest of us, lives in the trailer
he owns, paying only the $400-a-month lot fee.
The other white cook, Andy, lives on his dry-docked boat, which, as far
as I can tell from his loving descriptions, can't be
more than twenty feet long. He offers to take me out on it, once it's repaired,
but the offer comes with inquiries as to my
marital status, so I do not follow up on it.
Tina and her husband are paying $60 a night for a double room in a Days
Inn. This is because they have no car and the
Days Inn is within walking distance of the Hearthside. When Marianne, one
of the breakfast servers, is tossed out of her
trailer for subletting (which is against the trailer-park rules), she leaves
her boyfriend and moves in with Tina and her
husband.
Joan, who had fooled me with her numerous and tasteful outfits (hostesses
wear their own clothes), lives in a van she
parks behind a shopping center at night and showers in Tina's motel room.
The clothes are from thrift shops.(n4)
It strikes me, in my middle-class
solipsism, that there is gross improvidence in some of these arrangements.
When Gall and I
are wrapping silverware in napkins--the
only task for which we are permitted to sit--she tells me she is thinking
of escaping
from her roommate by moving
into the Days Inn herself. I am astounded: How can she even think of paying
between $40 and
$60 a day? But if I was afraid
of sounding like a social worker, I come out just sounding like a fool.
She squints at me in
disbelief, "And where am I supposed
to get a month's rent and a month's deposit for an apartment?" I'd been
feeling pretty
smug about my $500 efficiency,
but of course it was made possible only by the $1,300 1 had allotted myself
for start-up costs
when I began my low-wage life:
$1,000 for the first month's rent and deposit, $100 for initial groceries
and cash in my pocket,
$200 stuffed away for emergencies.
In poverty, as in certain propositions in physics, starting conditions
are everything.
There are no secret economies
that nourish the poor; on the contrary, there are a host of special costs.
If you can't put up the
two months' rent you need to
secure an apartment, you end up paying through the nose for a room by the
week. If you have only
a room, with a hot plate at
best, you can't save by cooking up huge lentil, stews that can be frozen
for the week ahead. You eat
fast food, or the hot dogs and
styrofoam cups of soup that can be microwaved in a convenience store. If
you have no money for
health insurance--and the Hearthside's
niggardly plan-kicks in only after three months--you go without routine
care or
prescription drugs and end up
paying the price. Gall, for example, was fine until she ran out of money
for estrogen pills. She is
supposed to be on the company
plan by now, but they claim to have lost her application form and need
to begin the paperwork
all over again. So she spends
$9 per migraine pill to control the headaches she wouldn't have, she insists,
if her estrogen
supplements were covered. Similarly,
Marianne's boyfriend lost his job as a roofer because he missed so much
time after
getting a cut on his foot for
which he couldn't afford the prescribed antibiotic.
My own situation, when I sit
down to assess it after two weeks of work, would not be much better if
this were my actual life. The
seductive thing about waitressing
is that you don't have to wait for payday to feel a few bills in your pocket,
and my tips usually
cower meals and gas, plus something
left over to stuff into the kitchen drawer I use as a bank. But as the
tourist business
slows in the summer heat, I
sometimes leave work with only $20 in tips (the gross is higher, but servers
share about 15
percent of their tips with the
busboys and bartenders). With wages included, this amounts to about the
minimum wage of $5.15
an hour. Although the sum in
the drawer is piling up, at the present rate of accumulation it will be
more than a hundred dollars
short of my rent when the end
of the month comes around. Nor can I see any expenses to cut. True, I haven't
gone the
lentil-stew route yet, but that's
because I don't have a large cooking pot, pot holders, or a ladle to stir
with (which cost about $30
at Kmart, less at thrift stores),
not to mention onions, carrots, and the indispensable bay leaf. I do make
my lunch almost every
day--usually some slow-burning,
high-protein combo like frozen chicken patties with melted cheese on top
and canned pinto
beans on the side. Dinner is
at the Hearthside, which offers its employees a choice of BLT, fish sandwich,
or hamburger for
only $2. The burger lasts longest,
especially if it's heaped with gut-puckering jalapenos, but by midnight
my stomach is
growling again.
So unless I want to start using
my car as a residence, I have to find a second, or alternative, job. I
call all the hotels where I filled
out housekeeping applications
weeks ago--the Hyatt, Holiday Inn, Econo Lodge, HoJo's, Best Western, plus
a half dozen, or so
locally run guesthouses. Nothing.
Then I start making the rounds again, wasting whole mornings waiting for
some assistant
manager to show up, even dipping
into places so creepy that the front-desk clerk greets you from behind
bulletproof glass and
sells pints of liquor over the
counter. But either someone has exposed, my real-life housekeeping habits--which
are, shall we
say, mellow--or I am at the
wrong end of some infallible ethnic equation most, but by no means all,
of the working
housekeepers I see on my job
searches are African Americans, Spanish-speaking, or immigrants from the
Central European
post-Communist world, whereas
servers are almost invariably white and monolingually English-speaking.
When I finally get a
positive response, I have been
identified once again as server material. Jerry's, which is part of a well-known
national family
restaurant chain and physically
attached here to another budget hotel chain, is ready to use me at once.
The prospect is both
exciting and terrifying, because,
with about the same number of tables and counter seats, Jerry's attracts
three or four times the
volume of customers as the gloomy
old Hearthside.
Picture a fat person's hell,
and I don't mean a place with no food. Instead there is everything you
might eat if eating had no
bodily consequences--cheese
fries, chicken-fried steaks, fudge-laden desserts--only here every bite
must be paid for, one way
or another, in human discomfort.
The kitchen is a cavern, a stomach leading to the lower intestine that
is the garbage and
dishwashing area, from which
issue bizarre smells combining the edible and the offal: creamy carrion,
pizza barf, and that
unique and enigmatic Jerry's
scent--citrus fart. The floor is slick with spills, forcing us to walk
through the kitchen with tiny steps,
like Susan McDougal in leg irons.
Sinks everywhere are clogged with scraps of lettuce, decomposing lemon
wedges,
waterlogged toast crusts. Put
your hand down on any counter and you risk being stuck to it by the film
of ancient syrup spills,
and this is unfortunate, because
hands are utensils here, used for scooping up lettuce onto salad plates,
lifting out pie slices,
and even moving hash browns
from one plate to another. The regulation poster in the single unisex restroom
admonishes us
to wash our hands thoroughly
and even offers instructions for doing so, but there is always some vital
substance
missing--soap, paper towels,
toilet paper--and I never find all three at once. You learn to stuff your
pockets with napkins before
going in there, and too bad
about the customers, who must eat, though they don't realize this, almost
literally out of our hands.
Picture a fat person's hell, and I don't mean a place with no food.
The break room typifies the whole situation:
there is none, because there are no breaks at Jerry's. For six to eight
hours m a row, you never sit except to pee.
Actually, there are three folding chairs at a table immediately adjacent
to the bathroom, but hardly anyone ever sits
here, in the very rectum of the gastro-architectural system. Rather, the
function of the peritoilet area is to house
the ashtrays in which servers and dishwashers leave their cigarettes burning
at all times, like votive candles, so that
they don't have to waste time lighting up again when they dash back for
a
puff. Almost everyone smokes as if his or
her pulmonary well-being depended on it--the multinational melange of
cooks, the Czech dishwashers, the servers,
who are all American natives--creating an atmosphere in which oxygen
is only an occasional pollutant. My first
morning at Jerry's, when the hypoglycemic shakes set in, I complain to
one
of my fellow servers that I don't understand
how she can go so long without food. "Well, I don't understand how
you can go so long without a cigarette," she
responds in a tone of reproach--because work is what you do for
others; smoking is what you do for yourself.
I don't know why the antismoking crusaders have never grasped the
element of defiant self-nurturance that makes
the habit so endearing to its victims--as if, in the American workplace,
the only thing people have to call their own
is the tumors they are nourishing and the spare moments they devote to
feeding them.
Now, the Industrial Revolution is not an easy
transition, especially when you have to zip through it in just a couple
of days. I have gone from craft work straight
into the factory, from the air-conditioned morgue of the Hearthside
directly into the flames. Customers arrive
in human waves, sometimes disgorged fifty at a time from their tour buses,
peckish and whiny. Instead of two "girls"
on the floor at once, there can be as many as six of us running around
in
our brilliant pink-and-orange Hawaiian shirts.
Conversations, either with customers or fellow employees, seldom
last more than twenty seconds at a time. On
my first day, in fact, I am hurt by my sister servers' coldness. My
mentor for the day is an emotionally uninflected
twenty-three-year-old, arid the others, who gossip a little among
themselves about the real reason someone is
or, sick today and the size of the bail bond someone else has had to
pay, ignore me completely. On my second day,
I find out why. "Well, it's good to see you again," one of them says
in greeting. "Hardly anyone comes back after
the first day." I feel powerfully vindicated--a survivor--but it would
take a long time, probably months, before
I could hope to be accepted into this sorority.
Instead of two "girls" on the floor at once,
there can be as many as six of us running around in our brilliant
pink-and-orange Hawaiian shirts.
I start out with the beautiful, heroic idea
of handling the two jobs at once, and for two days I almost do it the
breakfast/lunch shift at Jerry's, which goes
till 2:00, arriving at the Hearthside at 2:10, and attempting to hold out
until 10:00. In the ten minutes between jobs,
I pick up a spicy chicken sandwich at the Wendy's drive-through
window, gobble', it down in the car, and change
from khaki slacks to black, from Hawaiian to rust polo. There is a
problem, though. When during the 3:00 to 4:00
P.M. dead time I finally sit down to wrap silver, my flesh seems to
bond to the seat. I try to refuel with a purloined
cup of soup, as I've seen Gait and Joan do dozens of times, but a
manager catches me and hisses "No eating!"
though there's not a customer around to be offended by the sight of
food making contact with a server's lips.
So I tell Gall I'm going to quit, and she hugs me and says she might just
follow me to Jerry's herself.
But the chances of this are minuscule. She
has left the flophouse and her annoying roommate and is back to living
in
her beat-up old truck. But guess what? she
reports to me excitedly later that evening Phillip has given her
permission to park overnight in the hotel
parking lot, as long as she keeps out of sight, and the parking lot should
be
totally safe, since it's patrolled by a hotel
security guard! With the Hearthside offering benefits like that, how could
anyone think of leaving?
Gail would have triumphed at Jerry's, I'm sure,
but for me it's a crash course in exhaustion management. Years ago,
the kindly fry cook who trained me to waitress
at a Los Angeles truck stop used to say: Never make an
unnecessary trip; if you don't have to walk
fast, walk slow; if you don't have to walk, stand. But at Jerry's the effort
of distinguishing necessary from unnecessary
and urgent from whenever would itself be too much of an energy
drain. The only thing to do is to treat each
shift as a one-time-only emergency: you've got fifty starving people out
there, lying scattered on the battlefield,
so get out there and feed them! Forget that you will have to do this again
tomorrow, forget that you will have to be
alert enough to dodge the drunks on the drive home tonight--just burn,
bum, burn! Ideally, at some point you enter
what servers call "a rhythm" and psychologists term a "flow state," in
which signals pass from the sense organs directly
to the muscles, bypassing the cerebral cortex, and a Zen-like
emptiness sets in. A male server from the
Hearthside's morning shift tells me about the time he "pulled a
triple"--three shifts in a row, all the way
around the clock--and then got off and had a drink and met this girl, and
maybe he shouldn't tell me this, but they
had sex right then and there, and it was like, beautiful.
But there's another capacity of the neuromuscular
system, which is pain. I start tossing back drugstore-brand
ibuprofen pills as if they were vitamin C,
four before each shift, because an old mouse-related repetitive-stress
injury in my upper back has come back to full-spasm
strength, thanks to the tray carrying. In my ordinary life, this
level of disability might justify a day of
ice packs and stretching. Here I comfort myself with the Aleve commercial
in
which the cute blue-collar guy asks: If you
quit after working four hours, what would your boss say? And the
not-so-cute blue-collar guy, who's lugging
a metal beam on his back, answers: He'd fire me, that's what. But
fortunately, the commercial tells us, we workers
can exert the same kind of authority over our painkillers that our
bosses exert over us. If Tylenol doesn't want
to work for more than four hours, you just fire its ass and switch to
Aleve.
True, I take occasional breaks from this life,
going home now and then to catch up on e-mail and for conjugal visits
(though I am careful to "pay" for anything
I eat there), seeing The Truman Show with friends and letting them buy
my ticket. And I still have those what-am-I-doing-here
moments at work, when I get so homesick for the printed
word that I obsessively reread the six-page
menu. But as the days go by, my old life is beginning to look
exceedingly strange. The e-mails and phone
messages addressed to my former self come from a distant race of
people with exotic concerns and far too much
time on their hands. The neighborly market I used to cruise for
produce now looks forbiddingly like a Manhattan
yuppie emporium. And when I sit down one morning in my real
home to pay bills from my past life, I am
dazzled at the two- and three-figure sums owed to outfits like Club
BodyTech and Amazon.com.
Management at Jerry's is generally calmer and
more "professional" than at the Hearthside, with two exceptions.
One is Joy, a plump, blowsy woman in her early
thirties, who once kindly devoted several minutes to instructing me
in the correct one-handed method of carrying
trays but whose moods change disconcertingly from shift to shift and
even within one. Then there's B.J., a.k.a.B.J.-the-bitch,
whose contribution is to stand by the kitchen counter and
yell, "Nita, your order's up, move it!" or,
"Barbara, didn't you see you've got another table out there? Come on,
girl!" Among other things, she is hated for
having replaced the whipped-cream squirt cans with big plastic
whipped-cream-filled baggies that have to
be squeezed with both hands--because, reportedly, she saw or thought
she saw employees trying to inhale the propellant
gas from the squirt cans, in the hope that it might be nitrous oxide.
On my third night, she pulls me aside abruptly
and brings her face so close that it looks as if she's planning to butt
me with her forehead. But instead of saying,
"You're fired" she says, "You're doing fine." The only trouble is I'm
spending time chatting with customers: "That's
how they're getting you." Furthermore I am letting them "run me,"
which means harassment by sequential demands:
you bring the ketchup and they decide they want extra Thousand
Island; you bring that and they announce they
now need a side of fries; and so on into distraction. Finally she tells
me not to take her wrong. She tries to say
things in a nice way, but you get into a mode, you know, because
everything has to move so fast.(n5)
I mumble thanks for the advice, feeling like
I've just been stripped naked by the crazed enforcer of some ancient
sumptuary law: No chatting for you, girl.
No fancy service ethic allowed for the serfs. Chatting with customers is
for
the beautiful young college-educated servers
in the downtown carpaccio joints, the kids who can make $70 to
$100 a night. What had I been thinking? My
job is to move orders from tables to kitchen and then trays from
kitchen to tables. Customers are, in fact,
the major obstacle to the smooth transformation of reformation into food
and food into money -- they are, in short,
the enemy. And the painful thing is that I'm beginning to see it this way
myself There are the traditional asshole types--frat
boys who down multiple Buds and then make a fuss because the
steaks are so emaciated and the fries so sparse--as
well as the variously impaired--due to age, diabetes, or literacy
issues--who require patient nutritional counseling.
The worst, for some reason, are the Visible Christians--like the
ten-person table, all jolly and sanctified
after Sunday-night service, who run me mercilessly and then leave me $1
on a $92 bill. Or the guy with the crucifixion
T-shirt (SOMEONE TO LOOK UP TO) who complains that his
baked potato is too hard and his iced tea
too icy (I cheerfully fix both) and leaves no tip. As a general rule, people
wearing crosses or WWJD? (What Would Jesus
Do?) buttons look at us disapprovingly no matter what we do, as
if they were confusing waitressing with Mary
Magdalene's original profession.
I make friends, over time, with the other "girls"
who work my shift: Nita, the tattooed twenty-something who taunts
us by going around saying brightly, "Have
we started making money yet?" Ellen, whose teenage sort cooks on the
graveyard shift and who once managed a restaurant
in Massachusetts but won't try out for management here
because, she prefers being a "common worker"
and not "ordering people around." Easy-going fiftyish Lucy, with
the raucous laugh, who limps toward the end
of the shift because of something that has gone wrong with her leg, the
exact nature of which cannot be determined
without health insurance. We talk about the usual girl things-men,
children, and the sinister allure of Jerry's
chocolate peanut-butter cream pie--though no one, I notice, ever brings
up
anything potentially expensive, like shopping
or movies. As at the Hearthside, the only recreation ever referred to is
partying, which requires little more than
some beer, a joint, and a few close friends. Still, no one here is homeless,
or cops to it anyway, thanks usually to a
working husband or boyfriend. All in all, we form a reliable
mutual-support group: If one Of us is feeling
sick or overwhelmed, another one will "bev" a table or even carry,
trays for her. If one of us is off sneaking
a cigarette or a pee,(n6) the others will do their best to conceal her
absence from the enforcers of corporate rationality.
But my saving human connection--my oxytocin
receptor, as it were--is George, the nineteen-year-old,
fresh-off-the-boat Czech dishwasher. We get
to talking when he asks me, tortuously, how much cigarettes cost at
Jerry's. I do my best to ex plain that they
cost over a dollar more here than at a regular store avid suggest that
he
just take one from the half-filled packs that
are always lying around on the break table. But that would be
unthinkable. Except for the one tiny earring
signaling his allegiance to some vaguely alternative point of view;
George is a perfect straight arrow-crew-cut,
hardworking, and hungry for eye contact. "Czech Republic," I ask, "or
Slovakia?" and he seems delighted that I know
the difference. "Vaclav Havel," I try. "Velvet Revolution, Frank
Zappa?" Yes, yes, 1989," he says, and I realize
we are talking about history.
My project is to teach George English. "How
are you today, George ?" I say at the start of each shift. "I am good,
and how are you today, Barbara?" I learn that
he is not paid by Jerry's but by the "agent" who shipped him
over--$5 an hour, with the agent getting the
dollar or so difference between, that and what Lerry's pays
dishwashers. I learn also that he shares an
apartment with a crowd of other Czech "dishers," as he calls them, and
that tie cannot sleep until one of them goes
off for his shift, leaving a vacant bed. We are having one of our ESL
sessions late one afternoon when B.J. catches
us at it and orders "Joseph" to take up the rubber mats on the floor
near the dishwashing sinks and mop underneath.
"I thought your name was George," I say loud enough for B.J. to
hear as she strides off back to the counter.
Is she embarrassed? Maybe a little, because she greets me back at the
counter with "George, Joseph--there are so
many of them!" I say nothing, neither nodding nor smiling, and for this
I
am punished later when I think I am ready
to go and she announces that I need to roll fifty more sets of silverware
and isn't it time I mixed up a fresh four-gallon
batch of blue-cheese dressing? May you grow old in this place, B.J.,
is the curse I beam out at her when I am finally
permitted to leave. May the syrup spills glue your feet to the floor.
I make the decision to move closer to Key West.
First, because of the drive. Second and third, also because of the
drive: gas is eating up $4 to $5 a day, and
although Jerry's is as high-volume as you can get, the tips average only
10 percent, and not just for a newbie like
me. Between the base pay of $ 2.15 an hour and the obligation to share
tips with the busboys and dishwashers, we're
averaging only about $7.50 an hour. Then there is the $301 had to
spend on the regulation tan slacks worn by
Jerry's servers--a setback it could take weeks to absorb. (I had
combed the town's two downscale department
stores hoping for something cheaper but decided in the end that
these marked-down Dockers, originally $49,
were more likely to survive a daily washing.) Of my fellow servers,
everyone who lacks a working husband or boyfriend
seems to have a second job: Nita does something at a
computer eight hours a day; another welds.
Without the forty-five-minute commute, I can picture myself working
two jobs and having the time to shower between
them.
So I take the $500 deposit I have coming from
my landlord, the $400 I have earned toward the next month's rent,
plus the $200 reserved for emergencies, and
use the $1,100 to pay the rent and deposit on trailer number 46 in the
Overseas Trailer Park, a mile from the cluster
of budget hotels that constitute Key West's version of an industrial
park. Number 46 is about eight feet in width
and shaped like a barbell inside, with a narrow region--because of the
sink and the stove--separating the bedroom
from what might optimistically be called the "living" area, with its
two-person table and half-sized couch. The
bathroom is so small my knees rub against the shower stall when I sit
on the toilet, and you can't just leap out
of the bed, you have to climb down to the foot of it in order to find a
patch
of floor space to stand on. Outside, I am
within a few yards of a liquor store, a bar that advertises "free beer
tomorrow," a convenience store, and a Burger
King--but no supermarket or, alas, laundromat. By reputation, the
Overseas park is a nest of crime and crack,
and I am hoping at least for some vibrant, multicultural street life. But
desolation rules night and day, except for
a thin stream of pedestrian traffic heading for their jobs at the Sheraton
or
7-Eleven. There are not exactly people here
but what amounts to canned labor, being preserved from the heat
between shifts.
In line with my reduced living conditions,
a new form of ugliness arises at Jerry's. First we are confronted--via
an
announcement on the computers through which
we input orders--with the new rule that the hotel bar is henceforth
offlimits to restaurant employees. The culprit,
I learn through the grapevine, is the ultra-efficient gal who trained
me--another trailer-home dweller and a mother
of three. Something had set her off one morning, so she slipped out
for a nip and returned to the floor impaired.
This mostly hurts Ellen, whose habit it is to free her hair from its rubber
band and drop by the bar for a couple of Zins
before heading home at the end of the shift, but alt of us feel the chill.
Then the next day, when I go for straws, for
the first time I find the dry-storage room locked. Ted, the portly
assistant manager who opens it for me, explains
that he caught one of the dishwashers attempting to steal
something, and, unfortunately, the miscreant
will be with us until a replacement can be found--hence the locked
door. I neglect to ask what he had been trying
to steal, but Ted tells me who he is--the kid with the buzz cut and
the earring. You know, he's back there right
now.
I wish I could say I rushed back and confronted
George to get his side of the story. I wish I could say I stood up to
Ted and insisted that George be given a translator
and allowed to defend himself, or announced that I'd find a
lawyer who'd handle the case pro bono. The
mystery to me is that there's not much worth stealing in the
dry-storage room, at least not in any fenceable
quantity: "Is Gyorgi here, and am having 200--maybe 250--ketchup
packets. What do you say?" My guess is that
he had taken--if he had taken anything at all--some Saltines or a can
of cherry-pie mix, and that the motive for
taking it was hunger.
So why didn't I intervene? Certainly not because
I was held back by the kind of moral paralysis that can pass as
journalistic objectivity. On the contrary,
something new--something loathsome and servile--had infected me, along
with the kitchen odors that I could still
sniff on my bra when I finally undressed at night. In real life I am moderately
brave, but plenty of brave people shed their
courage in concentration camps, and maybe something similar goes on
in the infinitely more congenial milieu of
the low-wage American workplace. Maybe, in a month or two more at
Jerry's, 1 might have regained my crusading
spirit. Then again, in a month or two I might have turned into a different
person altogether--say, the kind of person
who would have turned George in.
But this is not something i am slated to find
out. When my month-long plunge into poverty is almost over, I finally
land my dream job--housekeeping. I do this
by walking into the personnel office of the only place I figure I might
have some credibility, the hotel attached
to Jerry's, and confiding urgently that 1 have to have a second job if
I am
to pay my rent and, no, it couldn't be front-desk
clerk. "All right," the personnel lady fairly spits, "So it's
housekeeping," and she marches me back to
meet Maria, the housekeeping manager, a tiny, frenetic Hispanic
woman who greets me as "babe" and hands me
a pamphlet emphasizing the need for a positive attitude. The hours
are Kine in the morning till whenever, the
pay is $6.10 an hour, and there's one week of vacation a year. I don't
have to ask about health insurance once I
meet Carlotta; the middle-aged African-American woman who will be
training me. Carla, as she tells me to call
her, is missing all of her top front teeth.
On that first day of housekeeping and last
day of my entire project--although I don't yet know it's the last--Carla
is
in a foul mood. We have been given nineteen
rooms to clean, most of them "checkouts," as opposed to "stayovers,"
that require the whole enchilada of bedstripping,
vacuuming, and bathroom-scrubbing. When one of the rooms that
had been listed as a stay-over turns out to
be a checkout, Carla calls Maria to complain; but of course to no avail.
"So make up the motherfucker," Carla orders
me, and I do the beds while she sloshes around the bathroom. For
four hours without a break I strip and remake
beds, taking about four and a half minutes per queen-sized bed,
which I could get down to three if there were
any reason to. We try to avoid vacuuming by picking up the larger
specks by hand, but often there is nothing
to do but drag the monstrous vacuum cleaner--it weighs about thirty
pounds--off our cart and try to wrestle it
around the floor. Sometimes Carla hands me the squirt bottle of "BAM"
(an acronym for something that begins, ominously,
with "butyric"; the rest has been worn off the label) and lets me
dc) the bathrooms. No service ethic challenges
me here to new heights of performance. I just concentrate on
removing the pubic hairs from the bathtubs,
or at least the dark ones that I can see.
I had hooked forward to the breaking-and-entering
aspect of cleaning the stay-overs, the chance to examine the
secret, physical existence of strangers. But
the contents of the rooms are always banal and suprisingly neat--zipped
up shaving kits, shoes lined up against the
wall (there are no closets), flyers for snorkeling trips, maybe an empty
wine bottle or two. It is the TV that keeps
us going, from Jerry to Sally to Hawaii Five-O and then on to the soaps.
If there's something especially arresting,
like "Won't Take No for an Answer" on jerry, we sit down on the edge of
a bed and giggle for a moment as if this were
a pajama party instead of a terminally dead-end job. The soaps are
the best, and Carla turns the volume up full
blast so that she won't miss anything from the bathroom or while the
vacuum is on. In room 503, Marcia confronts
Jeff about Lauren. In 505, Lauren taunts poor cuckolded Marcia. In
511, Helen offers Amanda $10,000 to stop seeing
Eric, prompting Carla to emerge from the bathroom to study
Amanda's troubled face. "You take it, girl,"
she advises. "I would for sure."
The tourists' rooms that we clean and, beyond
them, the far more expensively appointed interiors in the soaps,
begin after a while to merge. We have entered
a better world--a world of comfort where every day is a day off,
waiting to be filled up with sexual intrigue.
We, however, are only gatecrashers in this fantasy, forced to pay for our
presence with backaches and perpetual thirst.
The mirrors, and there are far too many of them in hotel rooms,
contain the kind of person you would normally
find pushing a shopping cart down a city street--bedraggled,
dressed in a damp hotel polo shirt two sizes
too large, and with sweat dribbling down her chin like drool. I am
enormously relieved when Carla announces a
half-hour meal break, but my appetite fades when I see that the bag
of hot-dog rolls she has been carrying around
on our cart is not trash salvaged from a checkout but what she has
brought for her lunch.
When I request permission to leave at about
3:30, another housekeeper warns me that no one has so far
succeeded in combining housekeeping at the
hotel with serving at Jerry's: "Some kid did it once for five days, and
you're no kid." With that helpful information
in mind, I rush back to number 46, down four Advils (the name brand
this time), shower, stooping to fit into the
stall, and attempt to compose myself for the oncoming shift. So much for
what Marx termed the "reproduction of labor
power," meaning the things a worker has to do just so she'll be ready
to work again. The only unforeseen obstacle
to the smooth transition from job to job is that my tan Jerry's slacks,
which had looked reasonably clean by 40-watt
bulb last night when I handwashed my Hawaiian shirt, prove by
daylight to be mottled with ketchup and ranch-dressing
stains. I spend most of my hour-long break between jobs
attempting to remove the edible portions with
a sponge and then drying the slacks over the hood of my car in the
sun.
I can do this two-job thing, is my theory,
if I can drink enough caffeine and avoid getting distracted by George's
ever more obvious suffering.(n7) The first
few days after being caught he seemed not to understand the trouble he
was in, and our chirpy little conversations
had continued. But the last couple of shifts he's been listless and
unshaven, and tonight he looks like the ghost
we all know him to be, with dark half-moons hanging from his eyes.
At one point, when I am briefly immobilized
by the task of filling little paper cups with sour cream for baked
potatoes, he comes over and looks as if he'd
like to explore the limits of our shared vocabulary, but I am called to
the floor for a table. I resolve to give him
all my tips that night and to hell with the experiment in low-wage money
management. At eight, Ellen anal I grab a
snack together standing at the mephitic end of the kitchen counter, but
I
can only manage two or three mozzarella sticks
and lunch had been a mere handful of McNuggets. I am not tired at
all, I assure myself', though it may be that
there is simply no more "I" left to do the tiredness monitoring. What I
would see, if I were more alert to the situation,
is that the forces of destruction are already massing against me.
There is only one cook on duty, a young man
named Jesus ("Hay-Sue," that is) and he is new to the job.. And there
is Joy, who shows up to take over in the middle
of the shift, wearing high heels and a long, clingy white dress and
fuming as if she'd just been stood up in some
cocktail bar.
Then it comes, the perfect storm. Four of my
tables fill up at once. Four tables is nothing for me now, but only so
long as they are obligingly staggered. As
I bev table 27, tables 25, 28, and 24 are watching enviously. As I bev
25,
24 glowers because their bevs haven't even
been ordered. Twenty-eight is four yuppyish types, meaning everything
on the side and agonizing instructions as
to the chicken Caesars. Twenty-five is a middle-aged black couple, who
complain, with some justice, that the iced
tea isn't fresh and the tabletop is sticky. But table 24 is the meteorological
event of the century ten British tourists
who seem to have made the decision to absorb the American experience
entirely by mouth. Here everyone has at least
two drinks--iced tea and milk shake, Michelob and water (with
lemon slice, please)--and a huge promiscuous
orgy of breakfast specials, mozz sticks, chicken strips, quesadillas,
burgers with cheese and without, sides of
hash browns with cheddar, with onions, with gravy, seasoned fries, plain
fries, banana splits. Poor Jesus! Poor me!
Because when I arrive with their first tray of food--after three prior
trips
just to refill bevs--Princess Di refuses to
eat her chicken strips with her pancake-and-sausage special, since, as
she
now reveals, the strips were meant to be an
appetizer. Maybe the others would have accepted their meals, but Di,
who is deep into her third Michelob, insists
that everything else go back while they work on their "starters."
Meanwhile, the yuppies are waving me down
for more decaf and the black couple looks ready to summon the
NAACP.
Much of what happened next is lost in the fog
of war. Jesus starts going under. The little printer on the counter in
front of him is spewing out orders faster
than he can rip them off, much less produce the meals. Even the invincible
Ellen is ashen from stress. I bring table
24 their reheated main courses, which they immediately reject as either
too
cold or fossilized by the microwave. When
I return to the kitchen with their trays (three trays in three trips),
Joy
confronts me with arms akimbo: "What is this?"
She means the food--the plates of rejected pancakes, hash browns
in assorted flavors, toasts, burgers, sausages,
eggs. "Uh, scrambled with cheddar," I try, "and that's..." "NO," she
screams in my face. "Is it a traditional,
a super-scramble, an eye-opener?" I pretend to study my check for a clue,
but entropy has been up to its tricks, not
only on the plates but in my head, and I have to admit that the original
order is beyond reconstruction. "You don't
know an eye-opener from a traditional?" she demands in outrage. All I
know, in fact, is that my legs have lost interest
in the current venture and have announced their intention to fold. I
am saved by a yuppie (mercifully not one of
mine) who chooses this moment to charge into the kitchen to bellow
that his food is twenty-five minutes late.
Joy screams at him to get the hell out of her kitchen, please, and then
turns
on Jesus in a fury, hurling an empty tray
across the room for emphasis.
I leave. I don't walk out, I just leave. I
don't finish my side work or pick up my credit-card tips, if any, at the
cash
register or, of course, ask Joy's permission
to go. And the surprising thing is that you can walk out without
permission, that the door opens, that the
thick tropical night air parts to let me pass, that my car is still parked
where I left it. There is no vindication in
this exit, no fuck-you surge of relief, just an overwhelming, dank sense
of
failure pressing down on me and the entire
parking lot. I had gone into this venture in the spirit of science, to
test a
mathematical proposition, but somewhere along
the line, in the tunnel vision imposed by long shifts and relentless
concentration, it became a test of myself,
and clearly I have failed. Not only had 1 flamed out as a
housekeeper/server, I had even forgotten to
give George my tips, and, for reasons perhaps best known to
hardworking, generous people like Gall and
Ellen, this hurts. I don't cry, but I am in a position to realize, for
the first
time in many years, that the tear ducts are
still there, and still capable of doing their job.
When I moved out of the trailer park, I gave
the key to number 46 to Gail and arranged for my deposit to be
transferred to her. She told me that Joan
is still living in her van and that Stu had been fired from the Hearthside.
I
never found out what happened to George.
In one month, I had earned approximately $1,040
and spent $517 on food, gas, toiletries, laundry, phone, and
utilities. If I had remained in my $500 efficiency,
I would have been able to pay the rent and have $22 left over
(which is $78 less than the cash I had in
my pocket at the start of the month). During this time I bought no clothing
except for the required slacks and no prescription
drugs or medical care (I did finally buy some vitamin B to
compensate for the lack of vegetables in my
diet). Perhaps I could have saved a little on food if I had gotten to a
supermarket more often, instead of convenience
stores, but it should be noted that I lost almost four pounds in four
weeks, on a diet weighted heavily toward burgers
and fries.
How former welfare recipients and single mothers
will (and do) survive in the low-wage workforce, I cannot
imagine. Maybe they will figure out how to
condense their lives--including child-raising, laundry, romance, and
meals--into the couple of hours between fulltime
jobs. Maybe, they will take up residence in their vehicles, if they
have one. All I know is that I couldn't hold
two jobs and I couldn't make enough money to live on with one. And I
had advantages unthinkable to many of the
long-term poor--health, stamina, a working car, and no children to care
for and support. Certainly nothing in my experience
contradicts the conclusion of Kathryn Edin and Laura Lein, in
their recent book Making Ends Meet: How Single
Mothers Survive Welfare and Low-Wage Work, that low-wage
work actually involves more hardship and deprivation
than life at the mercy of the welfare state. In the coming
months and years, economic conditions for
the working poor are bound to worsen, even without the almost
inevitable recession. As mentioned earlier,
the influx of former welfare recipients into the low-skilled workforce
will
have a depressing effect on both wages and
the number of jobs available. A general economic downturn will only
enhance these effects, and the working poor
will of course be facing it without the slight, but nonetheless often
saving, protection of welfare as a backup.
The thinking behind welfare reform was that
even the humblest jobs are morally uplifting and psychologically
buoying. In reality they are likely to be
fraught with insult and stress. But I did discover one redeeming feature
of the
most abject low-wage work--the camaraderie
of people who are, in almost all cases, far too smart and funny and
caring for the work they do and the wages
they're paid. The hope, of course, is that someday these people will
come to know what they're worth, and take
appropriate action.
(n1) According to the Department of Housing
and Urban Development, the "fair-market rent" for an efficiency is
$551 here in Monroe County, Florida. A comparable
rent in the five boroughs of New York City is $704; in San
Francisco, $713; and in the heart of Silicon
Valley, $808. The fair-market rent for an area is defined as the amount
that would be needed to pay rent plus utilities
for "privately owned, decent, safe, and sanitary rental housing of a
modest (non-luxury) nature with suitable amenities."
(n2) According to the Monthly Labor Review
(November 1996), 28 percent of work sites surveyed in the service
industry conduct drug tests (corporate workplaces
have much higher rates), and the incidence of testing has risen
markedly since the Eighties. The rate of testing
is highest in the South (56 percent of work sites polled), with the
Midwest. in second place (50 percent). The
drug most likely to be detected --marijuana, which can be detected in
urine for weeks--is also the most innocuous,
while heroin and cocaine are generally undetectable three days after
use. Prospective employees sometimes try to
cheat the tests by consuming excessive amounts of liquids and taking
diuretics and even masking substances available
through the Internet.
(n3) According to the Fair Labor Standards
Act, employers are not required to pay "tipped employees," such as
restaurant servers, more than $2.13 an hour
in direct wages. However, if the sum of tips plus $2.13 an hour falls
below the minimum wage, or $5.15 an hour,
the employer is required to make up the difference. This fact was not
mentioned by managers or otherwise publicized
at either of the restaurants where I worked.
(n4) I could find no statistics on the number
of employed people living in cars or vans, but according to the National
Coalition for the Homeless's 1997 report "Myths
and Facts About Homelessness," nearly one in five homeless
people (in twenty-nine cities across the nation)
is employed in a full- or part-time job.
(n5) In Workers in a Lean World Unions in the
International Economy (Verso, 1997), Kim Moody cites studies
finding an increase in stress-related workplace
injuries and illness between the mid-1980s and the early 1990s. He
argues that rising stress levels reflect a
new system of "management by stress," in which workers in a variety of
industries are being squeezed to extract ,maximum
productivity, to the detriment of their health.
(n6) Until April 1998, there was no federally
mandated right to bathroom breaks. According to Marc Linder and
Ingrid Nygaard, authors of Void Where Prohibited:
Rest Breaks and the Right to Urinate on Company Time
(Cornell University Press, 1997), "The right
to rest and void at work is not high on the list of social or political
causes Supported by professional or executive
employees, who enjoy personal workplace liberties that millions of
factory workers can only daydream about ....
While we were dismayed to discover that workers lacked an
acknowledged legal right to void at work,
[the workers] were amazed by outsiders' naive belief that their
employers would permit them to perform this
basic bodily function when necessary.... A factory worker, not
allowed a break for six-hour stretches, voided
into pads worn inside her uniform; and a kindergarten teacher in a
school without aides had to take, all twenty
children, with her to the bathroom and line them up outside the stall
door when she voided."
(n7) In 1996, the number of persons holding
two or more jobs averaged 7.8 million, or 6.2 percent of the
workforce. It was about the same rate for
men and for women (6.1 versus 6.2), though the kinds of jobs differ by
gender. About two thirds of multiple jobholders
work one job full-time and the, other part-time. Only a heroic
minority--4 percent of men and 2 percent of
women--work two full-time jobs simultaneously. (From John F.
Stinson Jr., "New Data on Multiple Jobholding
Available from the CPS," in the Monthly Labor Review, March
1997.)
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): Nickel-and-Dimed
To stack Cheerio boxes in chemically
fascist America, you have to willing to pee in front, of a health-care
worker.
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): Wants ads are not
a reliable measure of available jobs but rather employers'
insurance policy against relentless turnover.
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): The gossip crystallizes
around the theory that Stu is himself the drug culprit, that he
uses the restaurant phone to order up marijuana
and sends one of the late servers out to fetch it for him.
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): I couldn't hold
on to jobs even with advantages unthinkable to many of the
working poor, and I couldn't get by on one.
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): There are not exactly
people here in the trailer park, but canned labor, being
preserved from the heat between shifts.
~~~~~~~~
By BARBARA EHRENREICH
Barbara Ehrenreich is a contributing editor
of Harper's Magazine and the author of twelve books, including Fear
of Falling and Blood Rites. Her last article
for the magazine, "Spinning the Poor into Gold," appeared in the August
t997 issue.