28: Alexander Hamilton, "Federalist
69"
by Rick Riley, 2008
I. Hamilton’s purpose for Federalist 69
A. Opponents to the Constitution
claim that the proposed Head of State (the President) would be as powerful
as the King of England. (Americans had just fought to free themselves from
the rule of that King, they didn’t want another King.)
B. Many Americans feared Constitution
would give to much power to a smaller number of individuals and the National
Government.
C. Hamilton sells the proposed executive
to the American people as an executive with limited power and contrasts
the President to the King of England and even State Governors that had
less limits on their power than the President did.
II. Powers of the President according
to Hamilton
A. Can
stop a bill unless Congress approves it w/ ¾ vote.
B. Commander
in chief of army, navy (at all times), and militias of the states (at certain
times)
C. Pardons
and reprieves in all cases except Impeachment
D. Can convene
both houses of Congress in extraordinary circumstances
E.
Commission all officers of the United States.
F. Recommend
measures of expediency to Congress
G. can nominate
Ambassadors, Public Ministers, Supreme Court Justices and any other officers
not mentioned in the Constitution W/ Advice and Consent of Senate.
III. President V. King of England
A. King: Hereditary,
Sacred, not questionable, rules for whole lifetime. President: up
for election every 4 years, subject to Impeachment, amendable to personal
punishment and disgrace.
B. King:
Can command and Raise Armies and declare war. President: Commander in chief
but can only fund army w/ Congressional Approval and cannot declare war.
C. King:
has vast control of the economy. President: Cannot make rules for
nation’s Commerce.
D. King:
Head and Supreme Governor of Nat’l Church. President: No spiritual
authority.
E. King: Can dissolve
Parliament for as long as he wishes and when he wishes. President:
Can only dissolve Congress in certain situations of disagreement about
the time of adjournment.
F. King has unlimited
appointment powers.
IV. Powers Held by State Governors and
not by the President.
A. Impeachment:
Easier to Impeach President than Gov.s of NY., VA., Del.
B. Pardons:
Gov. Of NY could pardon in Cases of Impeachment (but not in Murder or treason.)
President cannot pardon an impeachment.
C. Gov of
NY can dissolve legislature more often than the President.
D. Gov. of
NY can appoint with consent of a Council of himself and four state senators.
President- Advice and consent of Senate.
V. Conclusion: President obviously
has less power than King of England. Has fewer limits to his power
that state Governors in some respects but has more limitations in some
respects.
28: Alexander Hamilton, "Federalist 69"
(Woojung Lee )
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The nature of the President
-
To be elected for four years
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Would be liable to be impeached, tried
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Upon conviction of treason, bribery, or other
high crimes or misdemeanors.
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The power of the President
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To return a bill
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To be the commander in chief
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Only the occasional command
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Nothing more than the supreme command and direction.
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Power to grant reprieve and pardons for offences
against the U. S.
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Can only adjourn the national legislature in
the single case of disagreement about the time of adjournment.
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To make treaties
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With the advice and consent of the Senate, 2/3
of the senators
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To be authorized to receive ambassadors and other
public ministers.
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To nominate and to appoint
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Ambassadors, public ministers, the Supreme Court
judges, general officers
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President vs. King
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Four years vs. hereditary
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Amenable to punishment vs. inviolable
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A qualified negative upon the acts of the legislative
body vs. absolute negative
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Right to commend the military vs. declaring war,
raising and regulating
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Have a concurrent power vs. sole possessor of
the power
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No particle of spiritual jurisdiction vs. supreme
head of the national church
|
29: Aaron Wildavsky, "Two Presidencies"
(1966)
(Woojung Lee, 2002), another is below
-
Two presidencies in U. S.
-
One for domestic affairs and the other
is for defense and foreign policy.
-
When there is problem with
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Domestic policy: need to get congressional support
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Foreign affairs: can almost always get support
for policies
-
Domestic v. Foreign policy
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Relatively simple to make minor adjustments vs.
cannot or do not know how to alter since the world has become a highly
intractable place with a whirl of forces.
-
The Record of Presidential Control
-
From the end of 30’s, Presidents have often been
frustrated
in their domestic programs, i.e. F. Roosevelt, Eisenhower, Kennedy
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In foreign policy, there has not
been a single major issue on which Presi. have failed.
-
From 1948-64, shows that Presi. have significantly
better
records in foreign and defense matters than in domestic policies.
-
World Events and Presidential Resources
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How does the Presi. manage his control of foreign
and defense policy?
-
It does not reside in the constitutional
power, has been changed since 1945.
-
The awareness of the possibility of nuclear war
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Vastly increase our rate of interaction with
most other nations.
-
The increasing speed of events in the
int’nal arena.
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The perception that decisions in foreign affairs
is irreversible.
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The Power to Act
-
As Commander-in Chief to move troops:
once they have committed American forces, it is difficult for Congress
or anyone else to alter the course of events.
-
Can use executive agreement instead of
treaties
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Far greater ability to obtain info on
abroad through Dept. of State and Defense.
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Competitors for Control of Policy
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The public
-
General public is much more dependent on Presi.
in foreign affairs.
-
Pres. Popularity rises after he takes
action in a crisis.
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Problem of public opinion
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Hard to get operational policy directions
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Difficult to interpret
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Special Interest Groups
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The group structure is weak, unstable,
and thin in foreign policy matters i.e. matters in Africa and Asia
-
The strongest interest groups are probably the
ethnic
associations
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The Congress
-
A self denying ordinance: they do [not]
think it is their job to determine the nation’s defense policies.
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The congressional appropriations power
has tended to reduce its effectiveness since the end of WWII.
-
However, there have been occasion when individual
legislators or committees have been influential.
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The Military
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The modern tech. and int’nal conflict
increased the defense budget.
-
The military have not been united on any
major matter of defense policy.
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Military Industrial Complex
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Do not control policy and budgeting decisions,
nor is there much evidence that they actually try.
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The State Dept.
-
Modern Presi. expect the State Dept. to carry
out their policies.
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When the Presi. knew what he wanted, he got it.
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The growth of a special WH staff to help expresses
their need for assistance and their refusal to rely completely on the regular
executive agencies.
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Remain in control of their staff
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How complete is the Control?
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The success of Presi. in controlling is largely
illusory
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Anticipated reaction:it is achieved by
anticipating the reactions of others, and eliminating opposite proposals.
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Foreign Aid
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The World Influence
-
The forces concerning the foreign and defense
policies affect the ways in which they calculate their power stakes.
-
Presi. now expect to pay the high costs themselves
if the world situation deteriorates.
-
Presi. engaged in world politics are more
concerned with meeting problems on their own terms.
-
It is worthwhile to organize political activity
in order to affect his agenda.
The best way to convince Presi. to follow
a desired policy is to show that is might work.
Nivola 29: “Two Presidencies”
By Brady Lamborne, Spring 2008
• The President has two jobs in which he deals
with domestic affairs and with defense and foreign policy.
• The problem with the President’s
domestic policy is that he can’t get congressional support for the
programs he supports.
• On the other hand the President can get
support for the policies that he believes will protect the nation.
• In foreign policy there has not been a single
major issue in which they were serious and determined and not failed which
was the entry into the United Nations, the Marshall Plan, NATO, and the
Truman Doctrine.
• The number of nations with
which the United States has diplomatic relations has increased from
53 in 1939 to 113 in 1966.
• The foreign policy concerns of the President
tend to drive out the domestic policy.
• The importance of foreign affairs to Presidents
is intensified by the increasing speed of events in the international arena.
• Domestic policy-making is usually based
on experimental adjustments to an existing situation.
• Presidents have to be careful therefore
to husband their resources for pressuring future needs because they
can not always count on congressional support.
• Presidents don’t always get support from
the public so they have to be careful on what they do in office.
• The two Presidencies also deal with how the
president deals with the public, congress, military, and the interest
groups.
• There Are a Number of Competitors
For the Control of Policy Making.
• With the President dealing with foreign
affairs the Public is much more involved and concerned with.[domestic]
• There are the Interest Groups that
compete for control in which the strongest competing for control is the
ethnic
associations.
• Congress has not been very effective in
policy since the end of WWII.
• There have been occasionally a number of
individual legislators or committees that have been influential in Congress.
• The Militaries technology and international
conflict has increased a deficit in our defense budget which is not helping
our economy rise.
• The Military Industrial Complex
doesn’t deal with controlling the policy and the budgeting decisions in
which there is really no evidence that proves that they deal with it all.
• The World influence deals with the foreign
and defense policy of the president and at his own power and stakes.
• The President is expected to pay the costs
of his decisions that he made if the situation of the world is deteriorating
away.
• To convince the president to approve
a policy is show him that it will actually work and is not a waste of time
and money.
• To sum it all it up the two Presidencies deals
with how the president toggles between domestic affairs and foreign and
defense policy and what he can and can’t do within these programs. |
Nivola #30 - “The Power to Persuade”
by Richard E. Neustadt (1960)
Maegan McCollum Spring 2008
- “When one man shares authority with another,
but does not gain or lose his job upon the other’s whim, his willingness
to act upon the urging of the other turns on whether he conceives the action
right for him.” The essence of a president’s persuasive task is to convince
these men that what the White House wants of them is what they ought to
do for their sake and on their authority.
- The status and authority the president has
add to his logic and charm.
- Status adds to persuasiveness, authority
adds more.
- Example: Truman urging wage changes on
his secretary of commerce, while the SC was administering the steel mills;
Truman’s status gave him claims to his SC’s loyalty.
- Truman had the advantage: possessing formal
authority to intervene in matters concerning the SC which ranged from jurisdictional
disputes to legislation pending before Congress, and the tenure of the
SC.
- Each “power” is a vantage point for him
in how other men use his authority; from veto to appointments, publicity
to budgeting, etc. the White House controls the most encompassing array
of vantage points in the American political system.
- Men in government are aware that
at sometime, to some degree, the doing of their jobs, furthering of their
ambitions, may depend upon the president. Their need for presidential action,
or fear of it, is consistent. Their fear or need is his advantage.
- The men with whom he deals must work with
him until the last day of his term; what the president could do tomorrow
gives him the advantage today. Continuing relationships change “power”
into vantage points in most cases. A president can use their dependence
now and later.
- Continuing relationships pull in both ways;
a president depends on the men he persuades, and has to reckon with his
need or fear of them. Their vantage points confront his own.
- The power to persuade is the power to bargain.
A president may be far more persuasive than his logic or his charm.
- Command has limited utility; persuasion
becomes give-and-take.
- Example: Little Rock and Eisenhower
- Even in national nominates a president’s advantages
are checked by those of others.
- Influence is even more give-and-take when
dealing with allied governments. Example: Suez affair.
- Power is persuasion and persuasion becomes
bargaining.
- Americans instinctively resist the view
that power in the sphere of executive relations resembles power in all
others.
- The executive establishment consists of
separated institutions sharing powers.
- The Constitution gives the president the
“take-care” clause and the appointive power; statutes give him central
budgeting and some personnel control
- Agency administrators are responsible to
him, but they are also responsible to Congress, their clients, their staffs,
and themselves. They have five masters; only after those do they owe loyalty
to each other.
- Executive officials are not equally advantaged
in their dealings with a president. The variance is heightened by particulars
of time and circumstance. And when officials lack “powers” or depend upon
the president for status, their counter pressure is limited.
- Any aide who demonstrates to others that
he has the president’s consistent confidence and part in presidential business
will gain business on his own account until he becomes in some sense an
independent chief. Nothing in the Constitution prevents an aide from converting
status into power, even that that is usable against the president.
- The essence of a president’s persuasive
task with congressmen and everyone else “is to induce them to believe that
what he wants of them is what their own appraisal of their own responsibilities
requires them to do in their interest, not his.”
- Because people differ in their views of
public policy, because differences in outlook stem from differences in
duty (to one’s offices, constituents, self) “that task is bound to be more
like collective bargaining than like a reasoned argument….”
- Persuasion deals within the self-interest
of men who have some “freedom to reject what they find counterfeit.”
30: Richard E. Neustadt, "Power to Persuade"
(1960)
by Julie Stanton, 2002
-Political parties are composed of separated
organizations sharing public authority.
-Public authority consists of nominating
and voting powers.
-Party links are stronger than is
frequently supposed, but the nominating process assures a separation.
-Persuasive power amounts to more than calm
or reasoned argument.
-Status adds to persuasiveness, authority
adds still more.
-A presidents authority and status give him
a great advantage when dealing with people he must persuade.
-The power to persuade is the power to bargain.
Status and authority yield bargaining power.
-The Executive establishment consists of
separated
institutions sharing power.
-Persuasion deals in the self interest
with men who have some freedom to reject what they find counterfeit.
|
31: Charles O. Jones, "Separating to
Govern: American Way" (1996?)
Joey Hollis, 2002
-"Democracy is a political system for those
who aren't too sure that they are right"
-Unlike other countries, the American system
welcomes criticism, and thrives on conflict
between parties
-Responsible-party, Presidency centered model
holds that political parties should be prepared
to overcome constitutional divisions, primarily
through Presidential Leadership.
-Under the U.S. Constitution, due to the
Separation of Powers, and the encouragement of
conflict within Congress, it is not feasible
to "form a government", meaning primarily the
centralization of power as clear in the British
system.
Because
we truly do not have, nor can form one government, meaning a total centralization
of power, we cannot hold the President
accountable for the sucess or failure of his overall
program, because he lacks the power to put
that plan into effect.
SPLIT PARTISAN CONTROL
-Split party government -
President of one party with the other party having majorities in one or
both houses
-The system of disconnected, independent
elections, which is necessary for the separation of powers, ceases
to ensure partisan unity
-With two parties sharing power results in
gridlock
> The production of major legislation is the indicator of gridlock
-While 12.8 acts passed per Congress
while 1 party ruled both houses, 11.7 passed during a split-party
Congress
-Different political combinations will produce
different solutions to the same public problems
SHARED INSTITUTIONS COMPETING FOR SHARES OF POWER
-In a federalized, and therefore
seperated system, voters can choose a Democrat here,
Republican there
-Political Parties are organizations
to facilitate action in the seperated system
-Since WWII the President's party has
lost on average 30 seats, with a range of 4 to 5 seats [in midterm
elections]
-Elections don't automatically produce unity,
even when all are ruled by one party
-Because partisan strategies for coalition
building won't work, Presidents and leaders devise cross-party strategies
-The electoral system fosters co-partisan,
cross-partisan, and bi-partisan lawmaking
-Seperated elections produce an ever-shifting
coalitional base-
STABILITY IN CONGRESS
-House and Senate have become increasingly
professional,
career oriented, and institutionalized
-Congressmen and Senators have unprecedented
knowledge
and experience
-Congress has a well-articulated committee
structure
-Incumbent return rate in the House
is 90%, while in the Senate its 67%
>Average length of service
for members after WWII is about 10 years for House and
Senate
Because in Congress there is NOT
high turnover, amateurism, and short memories, the President cannot
gain a conceivable edge over the Congress
POLICY ERAS
-Presidents and Congresses usually
work within an agenda orientation that is naturally
associated with broad policy developments.
Reagan's Philosophy
Thought that government was the problem, and therefore installed a contractive
agenda.
There were two approaches
Programmatic: seeking to cut back, eliminate, and devolve various
federal
programs
Fiscal: Seek to reduce taxes, thereby starving revenue
and preventing enactment
of new programs, while forcing serious re-consideration
of others
But, taxes were raised several times
during Reagan's Presidency to avoid the debt, and give
more latitude in policymaking.
After Bush, the result was an example
of a separated system following the 1994 elections
A policy-ambitious Democratic President
with
a weak status, a highly energized Republican
House of Representatives, and a Senate with
competitive Republican "would be" Presidentials.
PRESIDENT CLINTON AND THE SEPARATED SYSTEM
-Clinton had the least political capital
when he entered office
Weaknesses of Clinton
-He was governor of a small state,
a distance away from Washington, never holding a position in the federal
government
-Because he had worked with a Democratic
Legislature, he never had to take Republicans into account
-Lacked experience in foreign and
international relations policies
-"Policy wonk" (couldn't prioritize and
concentrate on a few issues, promising more than could be done)
-Lacked direct experience in forming,
and accomodating to an elaborately articulated staff
To compensate, Clinton relied on his presumed
strength - campaigning
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32: Doris Kearns, "Lyndon Johnson &
American Dream" (1976)
By Charles Walter, Fall 2007
Kearns explores how the office of the presidency
and the individual become intertwined.
Different Institutions reward different qualities
• rewards depends on the nature of
the individual leader’s ambition as well as the institution
• To Kennedy and Nixon the Senate was but
a platform to advance their careers
• Johnson, in contrast, held all the qualities
to become powerful Senate leader the institution rewarded his qualities
and those rewards were the object of his ambitions. He had other aspirations
of course but he wouldn’t focus on other chances for more power in another
institution because it delineated the work he was currently involved in.
He had to depend upon effective performance where he needed to control
his current institutional environment
• Thus he was unable to move from majority
leader to president on his own
• Demands of institutions are often contradictory
(what may be acceptable in one setting is not in another) 64 and 65 allowed
Johnson to be successful due to certain circumstances but when the circumstances
changed his qualities became ill-suited. His search for control caused
him to move toward coercive action to transform the executive branch into
his personal instrument.
• Important to understand whether or not
a leader is able to achieve his ambitions in a particular setting
Making the executive branch more powerful
• previous evolution had relied on
economic policy and welfare, significance of foreign policy, defense establishment,
involvement in war, etc with the knowledge of the public and Congressional
acquiescence
• Johnson concealed what he was doing and
represented a change in the relationships within the constitutional framework
which moves, in some part, the presidential institution outside the framework
itself.
The most effective checks and balances are not
the committees that form the constitutional system of checks and balances
but rather that of the media and public opinion
Johnson’s career helps to reaffirm the significance
of consensus politics in effective presidential leadership
• he constructed a consensus from
an assembly of particular groups and interests using individuals with whom
he could deal directly to influence Congress directly, he created an interlocking
web of services and obligations—it became a pluralistic consensus with
often contradictory interest which Johnson knew would shape the actions
of congress
• Popular support consensus would come from
achievement, not a source
Johnson’s career shows that the basic qualities
of a leader do not change when he assumes new and larger responsibilities
• Not realistic to assume a man “grows”
in office, they do learn but inclinations of behavior, ambitions, and modes
of conduct are deeply embedded (the new Nixon was the old Nixon with more
power)
the presidential institution has grown in power
as well as the president’s ability to concentrate the power in his hands—a
consequence not as much of tyranny than as much as the steady weakening
of various institutions designed to check the president (cabinet, congress,
party)
This centralization eventually weakens the
president’s ability to lead
A source of power and illusion is the president’s
ability to focus national attention by media
• for five years Johnson dominated
the Washington spotlight, the Cabinet was his, the Congress was his, the
Great Society was his…
• The man in the center remains in the center
when things go bad, thus Vietnam became “Johnson’s War” he personally was
dropping bombs, setting back racial/social progress
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